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Course Code
ANTH 210
Henricvan Gjsohard

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Edward Tylor and 19th century evolutionism
One of the fathers of Victorian anthropology and a fervent believer
in human progress. He surveyed human development in all its
forms, from crude Stone Age axes found in France to Maya temples
in Central America and finally to Victorian civilization. Tylor
reemphasized a three-level sequence of human decelopment
popular with eighteenth- and early-nineteenth century scholars:
from simple hunting “savagery” through a stage of simple farming
to “barbarism,” and then to “civilization,” most complex of human
conditions. Tyler‟s contemporary, American anthropologist Lewis
Henry Morgan went even further. In his Ancient Society (1887) he
proposed no fewer than seven distinct periods of human progress,
starting with simple savagery and culminating in a “state of
Gordon Childe
Australian born archeologist
What Happened in History (1942)
He equated savagery with the hunter-gatherers of the Paleolithic
and Mesolithic, barbarism with the farers of the Neolithic and
Copper Age, and civilization with the Bronze Age communities of
the Near East.
Childe believed that progression from one condition to the next
needed little explanation, only the opportunity to be presented for
societies to make the change.
What distinguish earliest cities from older villages
o Greater density in populations
o Specialization as a result of the food surplus
o Taxation and tithe small surplus from peasants to king
o Monumental public buildings
o Ruling class that absorbed the food surplus
o Invented systems of recording sciences.
o The invention of writing enabled the leisured clerks to proceed
to the elaboration of exact and predictive sciences.
o The proliferation of artisans

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o Regular „foreign‟ trade over quite long distances was a feature
of all early civilizations and though common enough among
barbarians later is not certainly attested in the Old World
before 3000 BC nor in the New before the Maya „empire‟
o Specialist craftsmen were provided security and employment
based on residence rather than kinship.
Founded on the Andean altiplano, or high plateau, near Lake
Lake Titicaca centre of many sacred indigenous myths of creation
Tiwanaku was conceived not only as a political centre but as a
central point of the universe
Tiwanaku was a regal city, redolent with the symbolism of power,
both sacred and secular.
The architectural form of Tiwanaku, together with its public
ensemble of monumental stone sculptures, intensified the mythic
aura of the city.
The ceremonial core of Tiwanaku was surrounded by an immense
articifical moat that restricted easy access to its centrally located
public buildings, recalling the encircling fortress walls protecting an
enceinte in medieval Europe.
Going from the landlocked outer ring of Tiwanaku‟s vernacular
architecture across the moat into its interior island circle of temples
and elite residences, the visitor to the city moved from the space
and time of ordinary life to the space and time of the sacred.
Cosmological time was cyclical, regenerative, and re-created by
human agency; the time of origins was past, present, and
anticipated to recur in the future.
By living within this sacred inner precinct, the elite were claiming
for themselves the right (and assuming the obligation) to intercede
on behalf of society with the supernatural in order to maintain
harmony in the natural and social orders.
An inherent contradiction must have been clear to the people of
Tiwanaku: the central island of cosmogonic myth was believed to
be the point of origins for all humans, but only some humans, the

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elite of Tiwanaku society appropriated the special right of residence
in this sacred core. Social inequality and hierarchy were encoded in
Tiwanaku‟s urban form.
There were peripheral moats alongside the main moat. Some say it
was used for peripheral drainage, but others say it was to mark
social boundaries
Movement from the east of Tiwanaku toward the civic/ceremonial
core o the city, then, entailed passage across a nested, hierarchal
series of socially and ritually demarcated spaces.
The bulk of the population resided in the countryside
The city was perceived as the place of union between the earth and
the celestial and subterranean worlds.
This architectural treatement implies that these buildings and, more
specifically, their points of entry and egress, encode a symbolic or
status hierarchy. We suggest that, in Tiwanaku‟s system of sacred
geography, east was of higher status than west and that this
hierarchy derived from the symbolism of the solar path
Akapana largest ceremonial platform northern side
Puma Punku second largest complex
The northern-southern division reflects patterns of social, economic,
political, and religious organization.
An existent territorial dichotomy in Tiwanaku
We can conceptualize the plan of Tiwnakau as a circle (the
concentric cline of the sacred) within a square (quadripartition). The
innermost island enceinte demarcated by Tiwanaku‟s principal moat
was the heart of elite residence and the setting for one fo the most
important shrines, the Akapana. Puma Punku, to the southwest,
formed the complementary ceremonial center for the southern
Emblem of Tiwanaku elite: terraced platform mound constructed
around an interior subken court.
Akapana: a man-made hill
o Elaborate drainage
o Situated on a mountain mountain sacred source of water
Tiwanaky society: three classes: a governing group of lineages
composed of warrior-elites who held political and religious offices; a
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