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McGill University
ANTH 210
Henricvan Gjsohard

1/16/2013 11:40:00 PM Edward Tylor and 19 thcentury evolutionism  One of the fathers of Victorian anthropology and a fervent believer in human progress. He surveyed human development in all its forms, from crude Stone Age axes found in France to Maya temples in Central America and finally to Victorian civilization. Tylor reemphasized a three-level sequence of human decelopment popular with eighteenth- and early-nineteenth century scholars: from simple hunting “savagery” through a stage of simple farming to “barbarism,” and then to “civilization,” most complex of human conditions. Tyler‟s contemporary, American anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan went even further. In his Ancient Society (1887) he proposed no fewer than seven distinct periods of human progress, starting with simple savagery and culminating in a “state of civilization.” Gordon Childe  Australian born archeologist  What Happened in History (1942)  He equated savagery with the hunter-gatherers of the Paleolithic and Mesolithic, barbarism with the farers of the Neolithic and Copper Age, and civilization with the Bronze Age communities of the Near East.  Childe believed that progression from one condition to the next needed little explanation, only the opportunity to be presented for societies to make the change.  What distinguish earliest cities from older villages o Greater density in populations o Specialization – as a result of the food surplus o Taxation and tithe – small surplus from peasants to king o Monumental public buildings o Ruling class that absorbed the food surplus o Invented systems of recording sciences. o The invention of writing enabled the leisured clerks to proceed to the elaboration of exact and predictive sciences. o The proliferation of artisans o Regular „foreign‟ trade over quite long distances was a feature of all early civilizations and though common enough among barbarians later is not certainly attested in the Old World before 3000 BC nor in the New before the Maya „empire‟ o Specialist craftsmen were provided security and employment based on residence rather than kinship. Tiwanaku  Founded on the Andean altiplano, or high plateau, near Lake Titicaca  Lake Titicaca – centre of many sacred indigenous myths of creation  Tiwanaku was conceived not only as a political centre but as a central point of the universe  Tiwanaku was a regal city, redolent with the symbolism of power, both sacred and secular.  The architectural form of Tiwanaku, together with its public ensemble of monumental stone sculptures, intensified the mythic aura of the city.  The ceremonial core of Tiwanaku was surrounded by an immense articifical moat that restricted easy access to its centrally located public buildings, recalling the encircling fortress walls protecting an enceinte in medieval Europe.  Going from the landlocked outer ring of Tiwanaku‟s vernacular architecture across the moat into its interior island circle of temples and elite residences, the visitor to the city moved from the space and time of ordinary life to the space and time of the sacred.  Cosmological time was cyclical, regenerative, and re-created by human agency; the time of origins was past, present, and anticipated to recur in the future.  By living within this sacred inner precinct, the elite were claiming for themselves the right (and assuming the obligation) to intercede on behalf of society with the supernatural in order to maintain harmony in the natural and social orders.  An inherent contradiction must have been clear to the people of Tiwanaku: the central island of cosmogonic myth was believed to be the point of origins for all humans, but only some humans, the elite of Tiwanaku society appropriated the special right of residence in this sacred core. Social inequality and hierarchy were encoded in Tiwanaku‟s urban form.  There were peripheral moats alongside the main moat. Some say it was used for peripheral drainage, but others say it was to mark social boundaries  Movement from the east of Tiwanaku toward the civic/ceremonial core o the city, then, entailed passage across a nested, hierarchal series of socially and ritually demarcated spaces.  The bulk of the population resided in the countryside  The city was perceived as the place of union between the earth and the celestial and subterranean worlds.  This architectural treatement implies that these buildings and, more specifically, their points of entry and egress, encode a symbolic or status hierarchy. We suggest that, in Tiwanaku‟s system of sacred geography, east was of higher status than west and that this hierarchy derived from the symbolism of the solar path  Akapana – largest ceremonial platform – northern side  Puma Punku – second largest complex  The northern-southern division reflects patterns of social, economic, political, and religious organization.  An existent territorial dichotomy in Tiwanaku  We can conceptualize the plan of Tiwnakau as a circle (the concentric cline of the sacred) within a square (quadripartition). The innermost island enceinte demarcated by Tiwanaku‟s principal moat was the heart of elite residence and the setting for one fo the most important shrines, the Akapana. Puma Punku, to the southwest, formed the complementary ceremonial center for the southern moiety.  Emblem of Tiwanaku elite: terraced platform mound constructed around an interior subken court.  Akapana: a man-made hill o Elaborate drainage o Situated on a mountain – mountain sacred source of water  Tiwanaky society: three classes: a governing group of lineages composed of warrior-elites who held political and religious offices; a middle class of artisans, who worked as retainers of the ruling lineages; and a commoner class of farmers, herders, and fishers, the sustaining force for Tiwanaku‟s economic system. o The agriculturists, thebulk of whom lived and worked in the rural hinterlands, provided the surplus product The Study of Civilization 1/16/2013 11:40:00 PM What is a civilization?  “to civilize” – “to bring out a state of barbarism, to instruct in the arts of life; to enlighten and refine.”  Archeologists do not regard civilizations as better than hunter- gatherer societies or those of small-scale farmers, only different.  Nineteenth century archeologists and anthropologists were heavily influenced by theories of biological and social evolution developed by the biologist Charles Darwin and the social scientist Herbert Spencer. E.g. Tylor, Morgan  Gordon Childe: “What Happened in History” o He equated savagery with the hunter-gatherers of the Paleolithic and Mesolithic, “barbarism” with the famers of the Neolithic and Copper Age, and “civilization” with the Bronze Age communites of the Near East. o He believed that progression from one condition to the next needed little explanation, only the opportunity to be presented for societies to make the change.  Civilization as a short-hand for urbanized, state-level societies  Civilization characterized by cities and states.  Childe described characteristics of a civilization: o Redman divided them into primary and secondary characteristics  Primary: cities and states, full-time specialization of labor, concentration of surplus, class-structured society  Secondary: these are symptoms and by-products of the primary organizational changes: monumental public works, long-distance trade, standardized monumental artworks, writing, the sciences (arithmetic, geometry, astronomy) o These are not mutually exclusive Comparing civilization  Not through establishing grand theories, rather through distinguishing differences and similarities  City-states versus territorial states o City states: its populace is made up of the whole spectrum of society, with craftspeople, farmers and elite o Territorial states: political centers – farmers are decentered from main urban area Civilizations as a result of the concentration of many people  The enormous human resources and centralized organization of early civilizations made it possible for them to dispense with the protocols of commerce and simply to raid, invade, or annex neighboring areas and appropriate their valuables. Primary versus secondary civilizations  Primary civilizations: that are thought to have come into being independently e.g. Mesopotamia, Egypt, the Indus Valley, Shang China, the Maya, Peru.  Secondary civilizations: e.g. Minoans and Mycenaeans in the Aegean, early civilizations of Nubia and Southeast Asia.  Some archeologists question this division  But, American civilizations developed independently, similarities in agriculture, wirint,g metallurgy, urbanism, and state-level organization The “rediscovery” of the world‟s first state-organized societies over the past two centuries ranks among the greatest achievements of Western science. Interest in classical Greek and Roman civilizations led to the pursuit of where the civilizations came from Theories of States 1/16/2013 11:40:00 PM Toynbee  He likened civilizations to dynamic organisms, with distinctive life cycles of genesis, growth, breakdown, and disintegration o Criticized for generalization Such research focuses on both description of the past and reconstruction of ancient lifeways but, most important, seeks to explain the dynamics of how the world‟s first states came into being – what archeologists commonly call “cultural process” Pre-state versus state-organized societies  Prestate societies – small scale, based on the community, band, or village. o Bands: autonomous and self-sufficient groups that usually consist of only a few families They are egalitarian – leadership comes from the personal qualities and experience of certain individuals o Tribes: egalitarianlike societies but with greater level of social and cultural complexity. They have developed kin-based mechanisms o Chiefdoms: hard to distinguish from tribes. Society is more hierarchical, power is concentrated. They have high population densities.  Chiefdom was a political unit – not a redistributional one  Chiefdom as volatile, ever-changing form of society  Chiefdoms as political stepping stones towards a centralized state  Yoffee: the emergence of non-kin based relationships between the rulers and ruled was the critical departure point for the state, not the chiefdoms. A key characteristic of the state: settlement hierarchy  Settlements divided into: cities, towns, villages, small villages.  Settlements can vary in sizes, from one main city to about three like in Mesopotamia, with many towns and villages. This gives an indication of the complexity of the social unit Four classic theories for the emergence of state societies  Key characteristics of state-level societies o Urbanized societies o Economies based on the centralized accumulation of capital and social status through tribute and taxation. Perhaps long- distance trade and division of labor o Advances toward record keeping, science, and mathematics and some form of written script. o Impressive public buildings and monumental architecture o Some form of all-embracing state religion in which the ruler plays a leading role.  Childe and the Urban Revolution o Victorians believed that humanity had evolved at different rates in different parts of the world o James Breasted: The Fertile Crescent as the origin of civilization o Childe:  A Neolithic revolution, which witenessed the beginnings of farming, was followed by an “urban revolution”. This revolution entailed the development of metallurgy and the appearance of a social class of full-time artisans and specalists who lived in much larger settlements, i.e. cities. These new artisans were fed by food surpluses of farmers. Agricultural techniques become more sophisticated to support the growing populations. The food productivity increase led to its centralization and taxation and tribute led to the accumulation of capital.  Craft specialization as a major factor in the development of a civilization  Childe‟s theory flawed: e.g. craft specialization as a symptom rather than a cause of state formation. The term “urban revolution” places emphasis on the city rather than social change.  Irrigation o Many scholars today agree on three developments important for civilization to materialize: large food surpluses, diversified farming economies and irrigation agriculture.  River floodplains, with their rich, fertile soils, contained great ecological potential  Some argue that population growth, rather than food surplus was the incentive for intensified agriculture (dense populations did not characterize Mycenaean or Inka civilizations)  Other civilizations developed in areas of ecological diversity  The adoption of irrigation agriculture was a major factor in the rise of civilization, as it supported far higher population densities  In areas where irrigation was practiced, both scholars argued, the relationship among the environment, food production and social institutions was identical. o Ecology was only the component in a mosaic of many changes that led to state-organized societies.  Technology and trade o Technological innovation for transportation rather than production o Technology developed for the elite o Trade cannot be understood as the sole reason for the development of a civilization  Warfare o Carneiro – coercive theory  Populations gave in to a successful warrior Coercive versus voluntaristic theories  Whether the populations were coerced into state formation or voluntarily set it up  Theories such as Carneiro‟s is coercive.  Cultural system employs both that of the coercive and voluntaristic theories Cultural systems and civilization  1960s – Robert McAdams – irrigation agriculture, increased warfare and local resource variability were three factors vital in newly appearing urban civilizations  cultures as “cultural systems,” made up of many interacting parts, among them, technology, social organization, and religious beliefs Ecological Theories  Environmental factors as key components in the development of civilizations  States have risen in different ecological climates therefore this hypothesis seems flawed Social theories  Power in three domains o Economic power: specialization forms two parties, those who produce and those who distribute, also amplified economic power through trade o Social and ideological power: those who create ideologies are held in high prestige, perhaps as living deities, o Political power: imposition of power through military and administrative means  Ideology and factionism o In every part of the world where early civilizations appeared, ceremony centers preceded by inconspicuous prototypes tended by priests or cult leaders and often honoing revered ancestors. These people must have been among the first to be freed of the burden of producing food, supported by the communities they served. Thus it was no coincidence that the ceremonial center was the initial focus of power, exchange, and authority, an authority vested in religious symbolism and organized priesthoods. o These priests controlled economic surpluses and distribution o This created a privileged minority and factionalism 1/16/2013 11:40:00 PM There is a recognition that empirical evidence has by large demonstrated that all characteristics of the urban revolution are correlated with one another e.g. large settlements, taxation, class division Gordon Childe‟s charateristics continued  Class divisions o These terms were inherited from the writings of Marx o Classes in the pre-industrial sense is conceived differently from today, there was minimal social movement, i.e. classes are permanent. The presence of an elite class, and merchants and peasants o Although it is less and less accurate to say that, one‟s socio- economic class is dependent on the things one will do in their lives. Inequality with regards to class still exist, although chances for social mobility have increased o Ruling elites generally control economic resources and ideologies. This ideology makes the ruling class seem natural. However, people of lower classes are not necessarily duped for something in return. Religion is used as a tool for the maintenance of the status quo. o Citizens of the government are ensured protection. However, states make war thus civilizations are harmed. When people comply with wealth and power differences, they receive protection from the government in return. o The ruler class is always associated with the upper crust of the religion organization and a part of the religious organization. They have ties that are political but also religious. They portray themselves as people who have a central role in maintaining the world system.  Writing and recording o Writing to control people, events and histories o Writing and recording devices have been used to remedy the concept of the booming of populations that cannot be sustained by oral communication alone. o Once ownership in the society is allowed to be distributed differently, i.e. if one is allowed control over events in their society, writing becomes a form of wealth and power. That power tends to be in the hand of the elite class. In most societies the ability to read and write is the ability to shape history o Writing among the Maya: early writing is used recording dates and historical events and propaganda (celebrating the actions of kings and elites and powerful priests that lived in the past) o When Childe wrote this list, he wasn‟t considering Andean civilization – they never developed writing. They developed something similar that fulfils the same kind of functions of writing. They developed a kipu, which is a complex series of knotted strings that consists of different kinds of patterns and knots. This was a code that conveyed information. The nature of the information is still under debate, there were quantities of things. o Writing open us up to esoteric knowledge  Math, science and astronomy o In this quest for understanding the universe, civilizations are extremely reliant on agriculture, which requires understanding of climate, calendars (the astronomical year) o This promotes the development of these predictive sciences, to control the agricultural year o These ideas were empirically grounded, but may not be contrasted to religion. They are all a part of this esoteric knowledge that was controlled and maintained by the elite classes.  Art o This has been thought about, in terms of what it does and means o It is ubiquitous and serves various purposes – is art used the way we understand it today or did it serve a purpose? o Forms of art are widespread in ancient society – it may represent religious themes, promotes political organization by depicting leaders. It is supported by various forms of specialized craft, ceramics, metals, paintings, sculptures. o The promotion of artisans as a class whose sole purpose is to produce art. o One thing that art does is to convey messages  Trade o Many means of trade was to acquire exotics o There is a loose correlation about how exotic (rare) something is and its acquired value  New political and economic order o Entirely new and innovative economic order that brings together all of these classes o Administrators that invest in the day-to-day running of the managing of the state These characteristics don‟t say anything about how the urban revolution emerges. There have been several hypotheses. No one hypothesis seems to account for the coming about of all civilizations. Problems?  Anytime someone makes an exhaustive list, people spend a lot of time looking for exceptions, which is true here o Writing in the Andes? o Monumentality in Harappa? – Harappa is considered monument poor, so it might not exist within every urban development o Herding in Mesoamerica – there were no animals to herd in Mesoamerica  Little concern for sequence/causality between list items (perhaps on purpose?)  Catal Huyuk – roof walking – Neolithic town  The notion of central planning is important in early cities – the elements are always positioned relative to one another. Architectural spatial elements always involve public space that are not present in Neolithic towns. The development of a plaza in the Cuzco capital city of the Incas How do we find and study Ancient Cities?  What is CRM? o Cultural resource management, or contract archeology  It is protection and salvaging things that may be destroyed through the building of hydroelectric dams, the building of sewers, roads etc.  Media is regulated by chance discoveries  Most common form of archeological research today o Why do we care?  We care because history is destroyed – now we choose to preserve the past in order  How old does it need to be so that it can be interesting? – shock factor?  Sites are mostly never “lost”  But meaning can be lost  Most sites are abandoned by their owners. Most people take their things, the site erodes. The abandonment process is different according to city. Many people fled from villages that were invaded by volcanoes etc. Many things have been preserved from climate. Plants have been preserved through volcanic ash, building materials. In Pompeii, Italy, people did not have time to flee. Early archeologists found hollow and empty spaces in the volcanic soil. They had the idea of filling them up with plaster before excavation, those were decomposed bodies that were caught in the volcanic ash. Another volcano erupted in Herculaneum, Italy. 1/16/2013 11:40:00 PM Tiwanaku – 250 BC- 1100 AD  Is not associated with a writing system  Unique due its altitude – an uncomfortable one – a place where it is not expected that states develop  Located at Southern tip of Lake Titicaca  Tiwanaku has developed through several stages  The Inka Empire is a short phenomenon – 1400-1532 – it is a nanosecond in the history of prehispanic cultures Altiplano – a specific environment – it is not marginal if one can develop subsistence patterns that can adapt to this environment  It is elevated, weak oxygen levels  Low temperature o Body has to adjust biologically o Caloric needs increase o Environment less productive  Low oxygen to nitrogen ratio o Risks of apoxia (acute mountain sickness)  Pulmonary or cerebral oedema o Cardio-vascular system works harder o Breathing more cools the body down Tiwanaku chronology  Archaic – increased sedentism, domestication  Formative period – village life, farming/herding  Tiwanaku I-III – early urbanism  Tiwanaku IV – first colonies  Tiwanaku V – colonial development History of Research  16 thcentury Spanish accounts th  18 century travelers  Ephraim Squier – 1877 0 Peru incidents of travel and exploiration in the Lands of the Incas Carlos Ponce Sangines  This was a time when there was social change in Bolivia – and a time when many South Americans were comfortable with the concept of Marxism.  He was an admitted admirer of Gordon Childe. Evo Morales  Nationalism aligned with indigenous achievement  Current president of Bolivia – the first to be from an indigenous background Structures in Tiwanaku  Semi-subtarranean temple – a temple that is subterranean  Kalasasaya – temple platform  Putuni – royal residence  Akapana – platform for elite burials Jeffrey Parsons – 1966  An archeologist who was coming from Mesoamerica and had contributed to developing and applying survey methods.  He conducted the first survey in Tiwanaku  They evaluated the surface remains, morphology and made many discoveries.  Tiwanaku - 2.4 km2  Estimated population of 5500 to 10500 Alan Kolata – 1980s and 1990s  Led projects – Proyecto Wila Jawira – this project included a settlement survey of the region.  New survey data generated by this projected suggested that the size of the city was 6.5 km2 – with an estimated population of 15000-20000  Settlement surveys – o Surveys in the Tiwanaky valley, as well as in the neighboring desaguadero and Katari river valleys and along the north side of lake Titicaca show a 4-tier settlement hierarchy o The 4 tier settlement hierarchy is made up of:  Tiwanaku – the political and ceremonial capital  A small number of large administrative sites (usually in each valley0  A greater number of smaller regional or local centres  A large number of rural villages or smaller hamlets Residential archeology  Through household preservations, through subsistence agricultural remains Agriculture  There was a lot of energy put into reconstructing agricultural systems The ideal centre  A spatial map of the cosmos – an idealized organization of the cosmos Semi-subterranean temple  Many monoliths found there, many of which are of a style that predates Tiwanaku i.e. Yayamama sculptures Anthropomorphic Tenon heads See ppt Urban growth – Tiwanaku IV  (AD 500-800)  explodes in population and investment in architecture and ceremonial life Bennett and Ponce Stela  An explicit link to the past – in the sense of representation of iconography on monoliths Drugs and beer  Involved extraordinary experience that was facilitated by drugs and alcohol in Tiwanaku Akapana Pyramid  Dates to the period of explosion of construction  It is badly destroyed  It is 17 meters in height – exterior walls aligned with clearly cut sandstone Quimsachata  Canals on top and terraces of Akapana Tiwanaku II 1/16/2013 11:40:00 PM Social change assumes that it happens in a sudden way – changes are seen as fairly abrupt – this is how Tiwanaku has been conceived of Urban phenomena occur in a very short frame of time Meaning of monumental space  The regional importance of the Tiwanaku seems to have been partly due to their ability to trace their authority and identity to region- wide earlier histories – Yayamama-style sculptures. These are sacred objects that originate from earlier periods but are timeless  When Tiwanaku becomes a city, there‟s a shift in emphasis from linking the elites to local history to sacred history to the representation of powerful males, represented in the Ponce Stela for example  Where political authority was based on ritual objects, it has shifted to political power becoming personified as individuals Akapana Mountain metphor  The pyramid as a ceremonial metaphor for a mountain  This would have been perceived as ensuring the continuation of the cosmos Economic foundations of Tiwanaku society Urban life at Tiwanaku Cosmopolitan Tiwanaku/ empire Feeding the “social surplus” in a “marginal” environment  This region of Bolivia is one of the poorest in South America  The rural Ayamara are the poorest ethnicity in SA Economic diversity  Much of the economy was based on agriculture and herding  Camelid herding (llamas and alpacas) o They were extremely important for transportation  Lacustrine and Riverine Resources o Catfish, ducks, freshwater fish  Hearty Andean root crops  Freeze-dried potatoes – ways to preserve potatoes  Quinoa and amaranth – nourishing protein and vitamins  Ancient or “fossil” raised fields – finding ways to produce more within certain environmental conditions: through expansion or intensification o Experimental raised fields in Lakaya, Bolivia – there has been an effort to reintroduce these agricultural practices to contemporary farmers to increase their yields or providing more reliable sources – there has been a relative success with some challenges.  How do they work? o Placing gravel in certain place to create a circulation of water that allows water to reach the plants but so the roots of the plant do not rot. This implies the digging of canal systems in these raised areas. The combination of the raised fields and the canals around them. The stagnation of water promotes the development of algae, thus creates a rich nutrition that will then be taken a placed in the fields to enrich the soil. o This technique lengthens the growing season through delaying the first frost. The water stores sunlight during the day and releases it during the night, this has an effect of keeping the temperature a little warmer in the soil. This tiny degree of difference may delay the first frost significantly, creating an economic effect. o The importance of raised fields agriculture:  Southern Titicaca Basin o The katari river provided water to the networks of canals in the basin. This is an extremely intensive form of agriculture – a lot of investment into this type of technology Pampa Koani infrastructure  Food for thought o Over 20 radiocarbon (C14) dates from material recovered from excavated raised field show that the Tiwanaku raised field systems were built between AD 800 and 1000 o However, Tiwanaku experienced its period of greatest urban growth between AD 600 and 800. The biggest monumental structures were built between AD 300 and 600. Tiwanaku neighborhoods  Putuni o The richest residences – would have housed the highest ranking elite at Tiwanaku e.g. powerful priesthood, royalty o One of the features of the excated areas in the Putuni houses was it was lavishly decorated, with religious iconography – it was kept very clean and there may have been a concern with cleanliness and hygiene that wasn‟t shared with other residences of Tiwanaku. There were elaborately constructed canals taken into the putuni but also taken out.  Specialization o Some neighborhoods may have been economically specialized. E.g. an entire area creating ceramic vessels.  Llama caravanning and pastoralism; Mollo Kontu “cocha” system – found uniquely to a certain neighborhood  Little evidence of military subjugation  Titicaca basin offers no clear economic advantage over neighboring regions  Strong ideological component o State as performance, Tiwanaku as theater o Downplays central administration and exploitive relationships Cosmopolitanism and ethnic diversity  Access to maize and molle – outside relationships were critical for that access  Tiwanaku relationships with Cochabamba, Azapa, Moquegua, San Pedro de Atacama – this shows flexibility in terms of how they related to other people. They were adapting to the people in the regions through efficient ways. One thing that is distinct is that the presence of Tiwanaku in other places is geographically discontinuous. Tiwanaku “expansion”  Not spatially continuous  Tiwanaku material in a few distant enclaves o Different environmental zones o Traditionally used to address the question of verticality (control of distinct ecotones)  E.g. San Pedro de Atacama: this area is not fertile, there are some oases, fed by weak intermittent rivers. Not clear what Tiwanaku wanted from there, since it is not very rich in resources and parituclarly far. What is present there are salt flats, but there are salt flats o Tiwanaku material found in grave offerings  Mainly prestige iterms  Drinking cups, textiles, and snuff tablets  Always in association with local goods o Attraction: probably not agriculture  Key location for communication to lowland productive areas?  Region is rich in copper and semiprecious stones  Salt flats? o Eventual imitation of Tiwanaku ceramic forms in local style o Adoption of ceremonial drinking practices o Relationship with Tiwanaku  Not direct colonization  Economic alliance between local chiefs and Tiwanaku  Local converts to faraway religion  Cochabamba region o Lower elevation on the eastern slopes o Potentially highly fertile o More than 300 sites with Tiwanaku affiliation o Local imitation of selected Tiwanaku shapes and motifs o Also some imported Tiwanaku material o Changes in burial practices = introduction of new religious principles o Differing interpretations  Direct administration?  Colonization?  Religious proselytizing?  Strictly economic relationship/ trade? o Tiwanaku influence may have been minimal  Mostly local emulation  But: some burials with exclusively Tiwanaku goods suggesting, to some, presence of colonists  Tiwanaku in Moquegua o There is direct evidence of colonization – there are entire groups of villages that replaced the local population Variable investment in different regions  Only Moquegua has unambiguous Tiwanaku presence and administration  Vessel assemblage dominated by chicha-associated wares (kero beakers, pitchers and large brewing and storing vessels)  Tiwanaku combined sumptuary goods, attractive ideological system, “salesmanship” o The concept of Tiwanaku seems to have been tolerated, even welcome and some practices emulated. Is Tiwanaku anomalous?  No state coercion evident  No unequivocal evidence for kingship o In iconography, burials o Instead groups/dynasties of “priests”?  Little archaeological remains of administrative infrastructure
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