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POLI 227 (298)
Rex Brynen (112)
Lecture

poli 227 lec 4.rtf

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Department
Political Science
Course Code
POLI 227
Professor
Rex Brynen

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Underdevelopment of dependency approach : quite fundamentally different context for the economic and political development for the developing world than there was for the industrialized world. Independency relationship : dependent countries are disproportional , only dependent on raw material exports, economy has a presence of formal MNC's, less access to changes in technology. Popular approach in 1970s, during debt crisis it seemed like many of the developing countries were not only falling behind in terms of development but also this approach has faded in influence since 1990s due to NICS (newly industrialized countries) . It highlights the way in which various sorts of economic linkages and social class may be important in understanding trajectories of development. Underdevelopment approach argued that a centre of two peripheral relationships that were important : dominant relationship : western world is economically dominant and developing world s dependent, but that was reproduced in a secondary relationship in developing countries between economic elites and the masses of urban population which suffered economic exploitation. These two chains of exploitation : populations in the global south are subject to exploitation by powerful domestic economic elites. These elites have particular relationships with multinational northern economies and so the north too is reaping a disproportionate share of the economic advantage. There are clear normative underpinnings to this. Given these kinds of relationships for underdevelopment or dependency approach, third world is essentially a product of the nature of the relationship between developing countries and the west with the global capitalist economy on one hand and domestic class relations/struggle on the other. Huntington : interested in modernization ; that kind of social change and the strength of political institutions. For him, these were the two big categories that were interesting In the other category, the two big variables are global economic relations, trade relations , MNC's etc. and domestic class structures within the developing country. So they're looking at a very different place and trying to answer a different puzzle. Their puzzle is not why has there been considerable political instability in the decades following decolonization (that was Huntington's puzzle) , for underdevelopment theorists their puzzle was why is it so difficult for developing countries to develop. Institutionalist approaches : we've long had institutioanlist approaches but they became much more sophisticated 1990s onwards. Argued that institutions and the various ways in which we can define them (formal structures, parliaments, constitutions etc). Institutions enable and concerns certain actions. Once you have a particular institutional setting, e.g a canadian constitution , it affects the strategic calculation of actors and those institutions also reflect and sustain norms. Tahrir Square, Egypt : subsequent transition in Egypt. At first it was dominated by the army (legacy of decades of army rule) . It was influenced heavily by the court system which both partly independent from Mubarak and also full of Mubarak stuff. When the constitutional debate ensued, it is a tweak of the old Saddam-era constitution with things changed. So the structure of Parliament looks a lot like in terms of how many people were elected under what electoral system, looked a lot like the old system with changes. So how did the constitutions of 1971 and the constitutional debates had the modification that occurred in Egypt were shaped by the entire constitution? it became easier to suggest modifications of something they knew as opposed to starting from scratch. In Libya, the Arab Spring institutionalist implication would be for no institutions in Libya. No political parties, no democracies, no meaningful elections. So for the interest of institutionalist legacy was there were no institutions, very few established ones. Makes sense for Libyans to be far more inventive. It also leads to certain amount of chaos due to absence of consensus over how politics is supposed to work. Because institutionalists believe that institutions matter e.g. Canada ended up with a series of provinces with power devolved. Due to this significant power devolved to them , they aggressively pursue their own self interests. The Canadian constitution has made actors behave in certain kinds of ways cuz it sensible for them to do so. For institutionalized what is really interesting, is two sets of developments : path dependency : once you start down a path, it becomes quite hard to get off of it. Once Canada started with a decentralized federal system which dates back to the separate administration of upper and lower canada as part of the British government's counter insurgency strategy for maintaining control over Quebec. After the conquest, it was easy to get to federalism. Impossible for Canada to change the fed system today. Too much politics even right down till the identity has been sustained by the federal system. critical structure : those points in which institutions are put together. e.g. Confederation in the Canadian case The egyptians passing a new constitution in a referendum, the Tunisians and Libyans writing a new constitution, whatever the Tunisians agree on as a constitution will sake Tunisian politics possibly for centuries to come. Only the American constitution has the right to bear arms, that dates back over two hundred years and still frames the debate of what the politics has control of arms so far. Tunisia right now is in its critical juncture, writing a constitution, 200 years from now Tunisians may be framing their politics around that particular point. If path dependency is important, its important to recognize these special moments with the path thats first made. Institutionalists would be interested in how institutions exist and how they affect politics. Makes it hard to have third parties, US set up in a two party mode so its hard to be a third party candidate here. Italy, Israel : PR system, parties keep switching and swapping. The nature of elections etc. Institutionalists would be interested in this. Rational choice : looking at your benefit first (utility maximization). Politics can be viewed through the lens of rational, utility maximizing individuals. An approach in microeconomics says that an approach is the collective function of many micro-decisions. In the Barbaric era, you could not protest like you do in the Tahrir Square because you'd be arrested and put in jail. But when lots of people turned up on Jan 23 , your chances of arrested and being put into jail were dramatically reduced because the police couldn't handle the crowds. Once the demonstrations got over a certain size, rationally your desire to change the political system was no longer being counterweight by cost of a high probability of being arrested. Rationally, it wasn't rational to demonstrate before and then it became rational to demonstrate later on. Rational choice theory also talks about the importance of information because if you're making a cost benefit analysis about micro- behavior, the information you have is quite important. In Egypt, prior to the Tunisian Revolution, the information people had was that resistance is futile ( the regimes are very powerful, they will do anything to stay in power, and no one else is going to demonstrate.). People were rationally hiding their preferences (you generally don't badmouth the regime due to negative consequences). People did not know what other people necessarily thought. What happened after people went to overthrow the Ben Ali regime in Tunisia? The info changes that resistance is helpful. Moreover, after the 25th Jan , there are thousands at the Square, the info is that there are so many others who feel the same like I do. That would be how rational choice theory would try to explain the offspring. Although it c
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