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GGRB28H3 (121)
Lecture 6

Lecture 6 Reading.doc

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Department
Geography
Course
GGRB28H3
Professor
Michelle Majeed
Semester
Summer

Description
Lecture 6 Reading Hunter -south Africa was not affected because they were under white government rule -Post Apartheid have affects the infections of HIV -Traditional south Africa people migrate often -Blacks were moved out to work in mines -Post apartheid women are migrated -they were living in poorer conditions and they had to find work -women chose men with good jobs but after men were unemployed and therefore they didn't want to marry -this means people will have multiple partners (this is not prostitutions) -People loving each other and since it was casual they had multiple partner and therefore HIV spread more quickly -south Africa different reality than Africa however still led to higher rates of HIV and AIDS -after nelson Mandela stepped down the new government denied its roots -for example they said ARVs are poison and they said that HIV and AIDS can be cured by healthy practices -government wanted to bring down the blame of HIV from Africans -High rates of unemployment -country struggling financially -allowed south Africa to parallel import and compulsory licensing -treatment act campaign that came into help who were about ARV and prevent mothers from transferring HIV to children -south African government got the act through but didn't apply it to ARVs -TAC fought the government and TAC won and now MTCT was implement -hurt a lot of people -dramatically reduced marital rates, and the extensive geographical movement of women as well as men in contemporary South Africa. These social forces are perhaps materialized most vividly in the countrys burgeoning informal settlements where HIV rates are reported to be almost twice as high as they are in rural and urban areas -a population that is typically young, unmarried, and without secure work, informal settlements are testimony not only to the failure of the state to create viable jobs and build adequate housing, but to a set of dynamics that have been largely neglected in the study of the AIDS pandemic -First, the complex interplay between race, class, and geography belie a single political economy of sex. It is important to state up front therefore that this article mainly considers poor South Africans and specifically those classified as African under apartheidthe primary occupants of informal settlements. Second, the paper considers in greatest detail the spatial movements and livelihoods of women and not men (on related changes in masculinities as a consequence of unemployment and inequalities) -Third, although these arguments evolve out of extensive ethnography in an informal settlement, the article draws mostly from secondary data and is aimed at a broader level of analysis. Fourth, this article considers only one side of the political economy of sex, namely sexual relationships between men and women; it does not look at the connection between political economy, same-sex relationships and AIDS or, indeed, sexual violence and AIDS. But a final important caveat must be madesex and AIDS should not be too easily equated. -there is strong evidence for a changing political economy of sex relevant to the way we conceive of the social dynamics linking sex to HIV transmission. It is clear that most African women today are no longer waiting in rural areas to be infected by their migrant partners -One branch of this work examines the changing social roots of sexually transmitted infections. Recent ethnographies from the Third World, for instance, demonstrate how global trade and the informalization of work can propel women into the sexual economy -ethnographic research also shows how unemployment and poverty can fuel multiple sexual partners -Especially over the last century, colonialism and apartheid molded the contours of sexual relations in South Africa in distinctive ways. Migrant labor, an institution entrenched in the 19th century following the discovery of gold and diamonds, restricted Africans from settling in urban areas and forced men into long absences from their rural homes. Mens relationships with urban prostitutes helped to fuel the syphilis epidemic that peaked in the first half of the century -sex can only partly explain such large geographical variations in HIV prevalence; higher infection rates in informal settlements compared to richer areas are in part a consequence of inadequate water, nutrition, and sanitation and the general poor state of health in the former. Beyond the male migrant: towards a new political economy of sex -Three dimensions of the contemporary political economy of sex are important to understand: (1) rising unemployment and the marginalization of women; (2) rapidly declining marital rates; (3) the growth in womens movement, often in circular migration patterns that pivot around a rural home. Unemployment, new social inequalities and the marginalization of poor women -Under apartheid, work for African men and women was typically dangerous, humiliating, and insecure; whats more, oppressive state policies such as forced removals and the hated pass laws made even the most basic decisions, such as where to live, highly charged. -The first casualties of economic crisis were African men; a new class of men who had never been formally employed quickly came into existence. But not all men lost out. -As rural areas continued their decline, therefore, women were pushed into poorly remunerated and highly unstable informal work; consequently, womens median income fell sharply in the post-apartheid period -African marriage has tended to be painted with broad brush strokes. Going back to the 1930s a number of ethnographic studies noted the negative effects of cultural contact on the African family -A recognition that there was no straightforward causal link between apartheid and family breakdown focuses our attention instead on the seismic changes heralded by the deterioration of formal employment. -African marriage is a process and not an event, different systems of civil and customary marriage co-existed (with different regional administrations), and apartheid statistics are notoriously unreliable. -when unemployment rose sharply, mens inability to secure ilobolo (bridewealth) or act as dependable providers became additional brakes on marriage. Among thepoor, wedlock is being exposed as a decidedly inflexible institution through which to organize social alliances and the flow of resources -marriage is a middle class institution Womens increased movement: from migrating men to moving women? -Male migrant labor is so dominant an institution in South Africa that it overwhelms almost all discussions on migration. Yet for over a century Southern African women have moved to towns, informal settlements, and white owned farms -The most common source of data on womens migration comes from census or household surveys. Together these studies show a rise in womens migration from the seventies but indicate that men still migrate more than women Informal settlements, the informal economy and the sexual economy -There are many types of informal settlements in contemporary South Africa, from squatter camps resulting mainly from population movement within urban areas to settlements resulting largely from population migration from rural areas. -In the 1990s, many scholars felt that the collapse of apartheid would herald a return to normal migration patternssettlement patterns would be concentrated around (rising) employment opportunities and migrants would not be forced to maintain such strong links with rural areas. -Women with reasonably well-paid work can sometimes secure housing independent of men and enter relationships on their own terms. New female migrants can look up to them as role models, seeing independent women as successfully challenging patriarchal models of marriage. Moreover, not all men are able to take part in
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