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Political Science
John Kirton

POL312 week 10 Key Words Notes  December 3 rd  Takes place in UC266  2 essay questions: each of equal value.  Part A: The first question is mandatory, you must answer.  Part B: students will answer one question of their choice from a list of several questions available.  The test covers all material since the start of the course. The tests centers on developing and applying to the evidence major theories and concepts of foreign policy.  The most important are the three perspectives on foreign policy, and the meta-theory of hegemonic transition.  Answer the question asked and answer all parts of the question.  What will the test look like? - Part A: a. how well does each of the three theoretical perspectives (LI, PD, CNR) account for the initial foreign policy doctrine and early international affairs resource distribution of each newly elected Canadian government from 1984 to the present. (ie. Mulroney, Chrétien, Martin, and Harper)? How well does the theory of hegemonic transition in the international account for the pattern you will identify. - Part B: a. To what extent have particular Canadian national interest and distinct national values have been determined and been advanced by Canadian foreign policy in the Harper years. b. What are the major similarities and differences in CFP decision across the St. Laurence, Diefenbaker and the Trudeau years. How much and how does the pattern support the argument that Canada was an emerging power in a changing world. c. Which single case of Key decision in CFP since 1845 (apart from 1962 Cuban Missile crisis) most reflects the pattern predicted by the PD perspective and how. (PROF: nuclear deterrence in 1963) how much and how do the other theoretical perspective help account for the case. d. Despite repeated complaints of a commitment gapping CFP broadly defines and endless pleas that more money should be spent by Canada on its International Affairs distribution of resources in international affairs of each Canadian government since 1968 has faithfully reflected each governments defining doctrine in foreign policy. Discuss.  Jan 10, 2014: we have a special event-day long conference on the G8 and G20.  Essay topic:  News watch:  Summit Watch: the PM is not traveling this week. He is boycotting the summit he should be at.  LECTURE:  Canada as number one. We had been doing resource, but that is relatively easy. We have a lot of resources. Lets switch to the next item: (recall the three main things: references, population, and technology) Lets pick up population. Which isn’t just number of people. Canada is actually growing population wise because of migration. Places like Germany and Japan are shrinking in population. We, on the other hand are growing. Population is human capital - Canada has the world’s busiest public library in the world per capita. This means free educational references. - In absolute numbers, we are number 2 after Hong Kong. Hong Kong has three times the population of Toronto, which is why they are the absolute winner. - This is a measure of literacy. - A measure of egalitarianism, because basically anyone can use the public library . - Also a measure of social cohesion. Libraries are a social service. - Also a measure of multiculturalism, because we have very multicultural libraries.  If Canada is number one, by definition middle power it cannot be higher ranking.  MULRONY/CAMPBELL YEARS OF CFP  The arrival of a progressive government under Brian Mulroney on September 17 1984 appeared to mark a decisive change in the long-standing trudeauvian or Pearsonian approach to Canadian policy.  The perspective change was most apparent in the Canadian- US relations.  Mulroney promised to restore ‘super’ relations with the United States. a country to which he would give a “benefit of the doubt.” He launched on a campaign to get a secure a comprehensive free trade agreement with the US. the campaign gave rise to a public and scholarly debate about what Canadian foreign policy and domestic policy identity existence would be. So the debate continued with KAFTA at the centerpiece, to the end o the Mulroney government until 1993, which is when Campbell took over.  What are the competing school of thoughts about Mulroney and CFP at this time. - The first school of thought claims continentalism: a. KAFTA centerpiece. b. WHAT? Mulroney’s priority was to maintain a close and supportive relationship with the US. c. WHY? Few reasons: i. Due to the PM personal beliefs. Was he really a member of the elite? Or was he a rational calculator. Due to his government’s rational calculations of a rising American strength and a declining Canada’s weakness in a changing world. ii. As David said in 1985 beginning of the Mulroney years “policy is likely to differ from Trudeau in a number of ways. the sharpest difference will probably be around the Canadian American relations which the PM sees as a the corner stone of Canadian Foreign policy.” Terrance continues: “Mulroney will attempt to fashion a special relationship where each country recognizes of the other as a neighbor ally and best friend. And towards NATO and east west relations the Mulroney government can be expected to support the Thatcher and Regan position” d. This school sees a sudden shift to a PD pattern after Pierre Trudeau. US is the centerpiece of this school of thought. - The second School of thought sees Constructive internationalism: a. It suggests Mulroney continental challenge to the prevailing Personas or the most recent truduvaism was a short-lived failure. b. PD doesn’t catch on. Just as Trudaeu’s CNR challenge had been. The argument here is that Trudeau came in and tried a new form of policy, which is well changed. c. Once again he pulled back into tried and true Liberal Internationalist. d. Evidence: there is a law in CFP that pertains well to the Mulroney years. Whenever Mulroney faced a direct choice between the US and the UN they would almost always chose the UN over the US. this overwhelming tendency to pick the UN over the US suggests that Constructivist internationalism had come back very quickly during Mulroney’s time. e. UN is the centerpiece of this school of thought. f. In 1989 (beginning of Mulroney’s second majority mandate), Margaret wrote “respects for international institutions and enthusiasm for role playing within them had been consistent themes in CFP since WWII” g. The retreat from multilateralism, which is a feature of recent US foreign policy, particularly under the Regan administration no echo’s in Ottawa. So reganism didn’t catch on. h. One need not expect a constant damping down of multilateral. it would remain a bug thing. i. On tehcontrart multilateral and Canadian policy will continue to reactive considerable emphasize from the government. This is a higher Liberal internationalist school of thought. - Globalism: (prof labeled it) a. This school of thought see assertive globalism arising at the mid-point of the Mulroney years. b. First half: first mandate. Second half: Second mandate. So assertive globalism arriving at mid point. This matters because why do we see a shift? Is it the same Mulroney, political party, same set up? c. Majority mandate both times there are all these potential cause. If there is a big change in the mid-point it is the external determinants. It is the world that drove that shift. d. This school of thought takes its cues from Mulroney’s thought that Canada had 4 best friends: US, Britain, Israel, and France. i. Mulroney had a number of seats in Francophone Quebec. Not very progressive prime minters since 1945 claim that. e. Andrew Cohen captured it perfectly. He declares at the start of the second mandate “Long cast as a middle power, Canada seems less midland today. What it lacks in power it makes up in influence. Where it sometimes fails in its relations with one country it often succeeds in its relations with other countries. It seems to be everywhere with a role to play everywhere.” He continues, “Overwhelmed by this diversity of interest (activity component two) the conservative government spent much of its first term assessing positions. Foreign policy is most likely to be important to the government in its second term. If there was a time for Canada to perform on the stage, it is now. Whatever the designation, middle power, principal power Canada is a player of authority and influence” -  PROF thesis: we need to look beyond these, and not just examine the three. Basically none of the above, rather the prof argues that the record shows Canada sustained assertive globalism almost from the start. The big shift was at the mi d point, but we can see signs of assertive globalism almost from the start of the Mulroney years. In the minority during the first year probably, by the second, and increasingly in the first term you can chart globalism. At least you can if you are equipped with CNR perspective.  Sustained globalism starts to become dominate at the mid waypoint. The question is, why? - governmental determinants - societal determinates - External determinants (the meta-theory of hegemonic transition. And its main component is the decline of the Us and the diffusion of their capabilities)  The United States decline and rise: - 1980 we begin with the US decline, the US had only 35% of the relative capabilities of the worlds 9 major powers. - 1985: we have the Regan revival. US relative capabilities amongst the major powers had soared to 46% in 5 years. If you look just within the G7 everyone but Soviet Union and china, the US share had leapt in those years from 41% to 52%. - The untied states Regan’s mandate almost restored to the hegemonic that it had at the beginning of the post world war. it was an extraordinary leap..  Canada’s decline and rise: - D
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