Policing: November 17, 2010
• Going to look at policing protests and mass demonstrations. Cut down
the terrorism lecture.
• 9 to 5 pm.-send an e-mail if questions about the exam. (by woodsworth
• One of the best sources: Willem Dehint—wrote about the Ipperwash
Inquiry-thoughtful analysis-in terms of starting point might be a
starting point wishing to start your topic on this paper. The title of the
paper is Public Order Policing in Canada and Analysis of Operation in
Recent High Stake Event.
• Most protests are peaceful.
• Protest policing:
• This definition by Jerome Skolnick (1978): we’re talking about public
order policing; large scale events.
• Jerome defines protest policing as “the use of police authority and
capacity to establish a legitimate equilibrium between governmental
and societal, collective and individual, rights and interests in a mass
demonstration of grievance.”
• Policing involvement in controlling demonstrations is usually accepted.
• Policing tactics and method that the police use are challenged and
• In terms of large scale public order events—police take three main
categories of tools with them to public order crisis:
• 1) The law
• 2) Communications (i.e. intelligence) and
• 3) Force
• 1) The law: We’re making reference to all various legal tools the police
have at their disposal. We’re talking about things like the criminal law,
civil statues, by-laws, things like emergency measures, things like
court injunctions, things like road closures, and many types of legal
tools. They are powerful. If think of permit of one should have before
staging a parade—just the fact you as a person want to organize a
demonstration you need to go to city and to get a permit. The law
imposes conditions; always, a way of helping policing so they can
successfully control the events under the terms the police are
comfortable with. –always come down to whether the police can
manage the event. With respect to the criminal law, police protests and
demonstrations---sometimes overly broad criminal laws—as we saw
during the G20 summit—the police can arrest and remove anyone in
www.notesolution.com breach of the peace—there is case law that holds that shouting through
a megaphone may trigger violation of the peace. There is also an event
of causing a disturbance—you’ll see that causing a disturbance
includes all kinds of things: you’ll see that causing a disturbance
includes things like shouting, screaming, fighting, singing, or using
insulting or obscene language.
• In the APEC article, by Richard Erikson, the person was arrested on
saying stupid things.
• While the playing field is quite large; there are constraints as well.
• Constraints in Police tactics:
• 1) The police organization and culture: police are subjected ao all these
internal rules; subject to internal discipline: operate under much less
• 2) Public Opinion: the police view their role and organization in terms
of a service. We said that this whole notion of community policing
really implicates the community. They have to be concerned and in
tune of public opinion. It is the public that pays for their salary.
• 3) Wider political culture: complicates the whole scenario. The wider
political culture can restrain a course of action or enable a course of
action. By political culture we say that Canada is a democracy-citizens
have constitutionally rights. All state officials are obligated to facilitate
this right. The wider political culture should serve as a constraint.
Technically, wider political culture asks as a check of what the police
can do. Erikson and Doyle talks about the wider culture—it becomes
an enable of a particular type of police conduct.
• In London, England, there are 3 protests every week; and usually very
peaceful, protest in the UK—all these policies being voted on in the
• Living in democracy does not protect us from brutalness from the
police—seen in G20 summit this summer. We shouldn’t be reassured
that we live in democracy—richard erikson and doyle say that we have
a tendancy that democracy is a zero sum game. You either have one or
you do not. There are times you have more democracy and sometimes
you have less. So the level of freedom is going to be dependent on the
political culture. The existing political culture is crucial into
influencing how police leadership is going to make decisions of how to
control a particular protest.
• E.g. in great Britain, long term trend in less violence; nice long trend of
exchanges of police and the protests; when margarat thratcher—she
sends the message to the police chief—far more forecefully against
www.notesolution.com • The result of this was unparallel brutality against strikers.
• We can talk about this in context of Canada. Canada’s police
responsive in changes in government and in policy---balance of crim
law and civil rights.
• Apec—all decisions made by prime minister had an impact on policing
strategies that were finally impacted. (Jean cretian at that time)
• The policing literature have found good support for this view that
government and police leadership (who is the head of OPP?) that is
going to impact on the police style and kinds of value—values are going
to be pre-eminent of policing organization. The particular value system
is going to constrain or enable a particular approach. The police take a
particular strategy or tactical approach to them. It is going to widen or
narrow the range of options. The general literature has identified two
general strategies tactical strategies the police will use to the
management of protests.
• 1) Escalated conflict model:
o also referred to as a control approach, a paramilitarized
approach (explicit chain of command and superior training-
you’re going to send your special and tactic unit-the police
officers in this unit have superior training), or a hard hat
o Oriented around a strong show of force-obvious willingness to
use force. It is characterized by the use of force as the routine
way of dealing with demonstrations. Gradually going to escalate
if public does not abide.
o Strict enforcement of the laws in all instances
o Could also involve the use of force as an alternative to making
arrests-arrests can occur—no violation can actually occur.
o Arrests are very vigorous—mass arrests; they are often targeted
in trying to remove known agitators.
o Charter rights often ignored-generally ignored-very forceful type
of intervention-the point is to clear the protest site as fast as
• 2) Negotiated management model:
o A clever approach. It places the emphasis on places things like
liason—all about building liason (forcing of relationships of
protest leadership). It is consistent with community policing.
Things like community approach. Number of priority is to avoid
o also referred as a service approach or soft hat approach
www.notesolution.com o very consultative
o pre-emptive, intelligence based
o seeks the avoidance of displays of police force
o emphasizes the use of “guile” rather than force
o emphasis on order maintenance rather than strict law
o emphasis on engineering the physical environment.
• 3) Hybrid Model
o William Delint says it is a blend of a two model
o It is the hybrid model we see much more of in Canada.
o The police come hoping for sunshine but they always get rain—
come for soft hard—but prepared for rain. (hard hat)
• When it comes to approaches—two contradictory views: what the
literature is saying in terms of western world—we see a return back to
the escalated conflict model. The idea of increasingly militarized police
force. Very willing and very able to suppress protest by force rather
than low key methods. Some argue that in fact this is the preferred
approach. The more state of the art they are; police are going to feel
like they are in control. To not feel in control for police makes police
officers feel vulnerable; element of the unknown. Think of the
framework—others things do not use paramilitaric control. This notion
of escalation is crucial here. We’re always concerned that through the
use of a particular tactic—the police may escalation. We’re worried
about escalation in the first appro