ECON 315 Lecture Notes - Lecture 4: Poverty Trap, Human Capital

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olivepanda926

23 Jun 2017

School

University of Maryland

Department

Economics

Course

ECON 315

Professor

Saltiel

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Document Summary

Capacity curve - how your income today affects your productivity and how that productivity affects the income you"re going to have tomorrow. Less than a day will converge toward 0. More than a day will continue to increase. If you have enough money to buy the calories you need to be productive you will continue to earn more money forever. Poverty can be avoided if we just give poor countries or poor people enough of a push to get them out of the trap. They can then exit poverty as they get past the threshold. Subramanian and deaton (1996) calc that the cost of the calories needed for a day"s activity in rural maharashtra were less than 5% of their daily wage. Banerjee and duflo (2011) calc that 2400 daily calories can be obtained in the philippines for as little as 21 cents. Must be something else keeping people in poverty!!!!

Related Questions

Case Study #3

TO WAL-MART OR NOT TO WAL-MART?

Wal-Mart is a $250-billion-a-year retailer. Eighty two percent of U.S. households made a

Wal-Mart purchase in 2002. It is the largest company in the world with a global

workforce of 1.4 million. Where Wal-Mart competes the average grocery prices are 14%

lower. In the past it was General Motors, IBM and other companies that were considered

to be the leaders in industry and the ones to watch. Now it is Wal-Mart that is being

studied in universities around the world.

At Wal-Mart, cost is king. Costs are kept low and this translates into goods being sold

for less. The entire organization is focused on reducing costs and passing those savings

on to the consumer. This allows poor people to buy food and other necessities that they

otherwise might not be able to afford. In the U.S. it dominates sales in a number of

categories : 32% of disposable diapers, 30% of hair products, 26% of toothpaste, 20% of

pet food and 13% of textiles.

Wal-Mart simply has developed the most efficient methods for operating their business.

Their inventory management, through a network of scanners, computers, and at-the-ready

suppliers, makes it the leader in successful turnover of inventory. How can we blame

Wal-Mart for being the efficient cost conscious giant that it is?

The Wal-Mart phenomenon has occurred at the same time that high-paying skilled jobs

are being lost in the manufacturing sector. When these jobs are lost, the alternative often

means being employed at Wal-Mart at a much lower pay scale with reduced benefits

such as medical insurance. Its labor costs are twenty percent less than those at

unionized supermarkets, and sales clerks make less, on average, than the federal poverty

level ($8.50 an hour).

Barbara Ehrenreich* has described the problems faced by the under class, such

as waitresses and Wal-Mart employees. They barely survive on a day-to-day basis, living

from hand to mouth, with no reserves, no safety net, no medical insurance and almost no

prospect of improving their positions in life.

The loss of manufacturing jobs has affected the lifestyles of many people. What they see

is the reality of reduced opportunity with a permanent reduction in wages and standards

of living. They are trapped in a new marketplace, with diminishing expectations and few

alternatives to shopping at Wal-Mart. This is a change in our American culture--the

dreams have now been down-sized.

Is Wal-Mart the hero or the culprit? After all, low prices, competition, and growth have

all been mantras that Americans have been chanting all of our lives. We were

told that if you built a better mouse trap, everyone would come to you. Well, Wal-Mart

has built a better mouse trap. Is there any logic in our looking at Wal-Mart as a

contributor to the loss of some our middle class or is it just jealousy and sour grapes?

For one thing, its hard line on costs has forced many factories to move overseas.

Wal-Mart imported most of the items it sells. Environmental standards

are lower in these countries where these goods are manufactured than they are in the

U.S. This probably results in increased health issues and costs. In addition, shipment of

goods many thousands of miles to their ultimate destinations, involve utilizing the

worldâs limited oil resources. When you add up all this, the cost of the goods may be

greater than if they were produced in this country.

Another issue is that Wal-Mart is a non-union employer paying wages that are below the

poverty level, with minimal health insurance coverage. As many employees cannot

afford the co-payment required for doctors office visits, when a medical crisis occurs they

are forced to use the emergency room facilities of local hospitals. The result is that the

community bears the direct cost of their medical treatment and the indirect, as well as

ancillary costs such as diminished work capacity, child care, etc.

There are other economic ramifications to the Wal-Mart explosion. When Wal-Mart

arrives in a town, âmain streetâ erodes. Neighborhood stores that used to provide goods,

services and paid their workers well, are eliminated, uprooting families and ways of life

in the process. The Wal-Mart decision to saturate Oklahoma City, resulted in the closure

of 30 supermarkets.

If Americans shop with price being the only factor that determines where they

purchase their goods, doesnât this mean the permanent down-sizing of our standard of

living? How can the local retail establishment survive when they canât compete with a

Wal-Mart? Look at what has happened to the local supermarket, bookstore, hardware

and clothing store. The demise of these small business constitutes the loss of a middle

class of society in a community. We need to think: As consumers are we better off

paying a little more to enable the local merchants and their families to survive in order to

preserve the character of our communities and society or should we concern ourselves

with price only?

HERE IS YOUR DILEMMA:

You are the mayor of a small city in the West. You canât worry about the 4,700 workers

at IBM and the other workers at technology companies who lost their jobs. Your problem

is a more local one.

A Wal-Mart representative has approached you about the possibility of building a super-

store within your city limits. The store would serve communities within a twenty-five mile

radius. The land that they intend to build upon would require new zoning. Wal-Mart

would expect a certain amount of property tax and other relief. If your city does not

want a super-store, you are certain that one of the other towns close-by would be happy

to accommodate their needs.

What studies would you require before deciding which way to vote? What ramifications

do you foresee with this new super-store? What would you ask of Wal-Mart before

agreeing to their request? How much input would you seek from the residents of your

city

blushimpala894

Topic:
How would you explain the finding that people in high-income economies seem happier than people in low-income economies, but, over time, people in high-income economies do not seem to be any happier even if their country grows richer? Briefly discuss.

Optional Reading:

Income and Happiness

The Declaration of Independence in 1776 identified âcertain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.â This did not guarantee happiness but did establish the pursuit of happiness as an âunalienableâ right, meaning that right cannot be taken away, given away, or sold. Eighteenth century philosopher and social reformer Jeremy Bentham argued that government policy should promote the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people.

Many people today apparently agree. In recent polls, 77 percent of Australians and 81 percent of Brits believed that a government's prime objective should be promoting the greatest happiness rather than the greatest wealth. The United Nations in 2007 sponsored an international conference on âHappiness and Public Policy.â Thailand now compiles a monthly Gross Domestic Happiness Index. Even China has joined in the fun reporting a happiness index based on polling results about living conditions, income, the environment, social welfare, and employment. Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom are also developing happiness indexes.

Economists have long shied away from asking people how they feel, preferring instead to observe their behavior. But more now see some value in asking questions. In the most extensive of polls, the Gallup organization asked people in 130 countries: âHow satisfied are you with your life, on a scale of zero to ten?â The results, reported in 2007, are not surprising. Most people in the high income areas, such as the United States, Europe, and Japan, said they are happy. Most people in the poor areas, especially in Africa, said they are not. Also, within a given country, income and happiness are positively related. After evaluating all the results of the Gallup world poll, Angus Deaton of Princeton concluded: âThe very strong international relationship between per capita GDP and life satisfaction suggests that, on average, people have a good idea of how income, or the lack of it, affects their lives.â 8

So these results are no surprise. What does puzzle economists is that other surveys suggest that in affluent countries people do not seem any happier over time even though each generation became richer than the last. For example, in the United States, the proportion of people who say they are happy has stayed about the same despite 60 years of economic growth. In Japan, happiness responses actually declined despite a substantial increase in real income over the last 50 years.

Here are two possible explanations. First, people begin taking for granted those luxuries they most desired. For example, two generations ago color TVs, automobiles, and major appliances were luxuries, but now they are must-items for most households. Computers and flat screen HDTVs will soon move from luxuries to necessities. As each generation attains a higher standard of living, people become less sensitive to the benefits, they take them for granted, and thus they say they are no happier.

Second, research suggests that what matters is not just the absolute level of income but income relative other people in the reference group. Imagine you have a choice between (1) earning $50,000 a year while others in your reference group make $25,000 or (2) earning $100,000 a year while others make $250,000 (suppose, too, that prices remain the same, so $100,000 is double the real income of $50,000). Which would you prefer? Studies show that when people face this hypothetical choice, most pick the $50,000 option. That is, they prefer to make more than others even if that means a lower real income. Thus, if all incomes rise on average over time, this does not affect that aspect of happiness linked to oneâs relative standing. As the social critic H. L. Mencken long ago observed, "A wealthy man is one who earns $100 a year more than his wife's sister's husband."

SOURCES: Daniel Gilbert, Stumbling On Happiness, (New York: Knopf, 2006); Marina Kamenev, âRating Countries for the Happiness Factor,â Business Week, 11 October 2006; Angus Deaton, âIncome, Aging, Health, and Wellbeing Around the World: Evidence from the Gallup World Poll,â Princeton Working Paper, (August 2007); and âWhere Money Seems to Talk,â Economist, 12 July 200

Read the articles and consider two people, Mon and Shaman, that can produce 2 goods, shrimp and mobile apps.

If Mon and Shaman devoted themselves to shrimp and mobile app production, the chart below shows how much each person can produce per hour.

Complete the first table by showing how many shrimp and mobile apps each person would produce if they did not specialize.

	Hours worked per year			Total amount produced if each person devotes all their working hours per year to each good.
		Shrimp per hour	Mobile Apps per hour	Total Shrimp	Total Mobile Apps
Mon	3500	50	1
Shaman	2000	10	5

In a world hungry for cheap shrimp, migrants labor overtime in Thai sheds

By Jason Motlagh, Published: September 19, 2012

Jason Motlagh/For The Washington Post - Burmese migrant workers peel shrimp at a processing factory in Samut Sakhon province in Thailand. High standards allow the factory to export its seafood to the United States.

MAHACHAI, Thailand â At an age when she should have been in a classroom, Thazin Mon discovered her knack for peeling shrimp. To help support her Burmese migrant family, the 14-year-old pulled 16-hour shifts, seven days a week, for less than $3 a day. âI am uneducated, so I work. I have to work bravely,â she says.

Although she was the best peeler in the factory, speed was never enough. Mon was beaten if she slowed down, she said, and when she asked for a day off to rest hands swollen with infection, her boss kicked her and threatened rape.

Thanks to a bottomless appetite for cheap shrimp in the West, Burmese migrants such as Mon are the backbone of a Thai shrimp industry that is the worldâs third largest. The United States is Thailandâs top customer, accounting for a third of the countryâs annual shrimp exports.

Rights groups say that overseas demand for shrimp products in greater volume has fueled a culture of exploitation in the Thai industry. They insist that the failure of foreign companies to sufficiently verify the origin of the shrimp they import allows abuses to persist.

âIf you look at the cost of shrimp overseas, itâs very, very cheap, and that comes from the exploitation inherent in the shrimp industry,â says Andy Hall, an expert on migration at Mahidol University who tracks Burmese labor in the Thai seafood industry.

Brisk business with major U.S. retailers such as Wal-Mart, Costco, Samâs Club and Red Lobster pumps more than $1 billion in revenue each year into the Thai economy, the second largest in Southeast Asia. As Thai living standards have risen, a shortage of unskilled labor has attracted tens of thousands of Burmese migrants looking to escape the poverty and job scarcity that has gripped their homeland for decades.

Most head to Samut Sakhon province, the heart of the processing industry just south of the capital, Bangkok, where modern facilities line the highway alongside fast-food chains and car dealerships. The more prominent factories are the size of football fields, with neon signage and billboards that feature smiling children. But thereâs a darker side behind the scenes, activists say.

Of an estimated 400,000 migrants at work in the province, only about 70,000 are legally registered. The rest are employed illegally in anonymous peeling sheds that supply the larger companies that must fill massive orders from abroad. At this lower end of the supply chain, according to migrant activists, crooked brokers and employers trap scores of Burmese in abusive conditions tantamount to slavery, particularly in the shrimp industry.

âThe small factory owners know that most of their workers are undocumented, so they can control the workforce however they want â such as locking workers in until they finish their work,â says Sompong Sakaew, a labor activist based in Mahachai, the provincial capital. âThere are also teenagers between 12 and 17 years old in the workforce.â

Sold into waking nightmare

Problems for Burmese migrants typically start as soon as they link up with brokers who promise steady work and a decent salary, only to sell them into a nearly inescapable cycle of debt bondage.

Min Oo, 28, a Burmese farmer who lost his home in a flood, said he paid a broker the equivalent of $500 to smuggle him across the border to Samut Sakhon, with the guarantee of a minimum-wage (about $10 a day) factory job. Instead, he said, the broker sold him into a waking nightmare, with 18-hour workdays in a shrimp-processing factory and net earnings of no more than $20 a week, leaving almost nothing to send home.

In some cases, migrant workers and rights groups allege, police officials or their relatives hold an ownership stake in unregistered peeling sheds. More commonly, the critics say, the authorities or those they protect shake down undocumented workers for bribes to supplement their incomes, knowing that the migrants would rather pay up on the spot than be deported to Burma.

Despite occasional police action and robust anti-trafficking laws, Sakaew, the labor activist, estimates that fully a quarter of the 1,200 to 1,300 factories in Samut Sakhon province are unregistered and, therefore, ripe for abuse. With so much profit-induced apathy on the Thai side, activists say reform pressure must come from Western companies whose trade partnerships drive the shrimp industry.

Codes of conduct

It is difficult to establish precise links between the larger Thai companies that process shrimp of dubious origin and the Western companies whose consumers increasingly demand ethical sourcing.

To do business overseas, Thai companies must qualify for membership in the Thai Frozen Foods Association, which adheres to globally recognized codes of conduct and carries out unscheduled inspections. Spokesman Arthon Piboonthanapatana asserts that anyone found guilty of labor -abuses would be expelled. In more than three years of inspections, he said, this has never happened.

âIf the shrimp is from TFFA members, I can 100 percent guaranteeâ that it is produced without labor exploitation, he said.

But critics say that until the Thai shrimp industry requires larger factories to provide records of lower-level suppliers and follows through with random inspections, the shrimp it exports will remain tainted by human trafficking and labor abuses.

For the past three years, the State Department has given Thailand a poor grade on human trafficking, citing it among countries that do not fully comply with the minimum standards for efforts to combat the problem.

After the release of the departmentâs report in 2012, Thai Foreign Minister Surapong Tovichakchaikul said his country would improve its performance by strengthening cooperation among agencies tasked with fighting human trafficking.

Motlagh reported with a grant from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

More world news coverage: - Turmoil in Egypt stalls talks on U.S. aid - Suicide blast kills 12 near Afghan capitalâs international airport - U.S. troops to cut missions with Afghan forces - Read more headlines from around the world.

Google reportedly acquiring Waze app for $1.3 billion

News ends months of rumors on deals with Apple, Facebook, or Google, according to Globes; Waze source refuses to comment

By David Shamah June 9, 2013, 7:20 pm

Waze co-founder Uri Levine at a Jerusalem conference in May (photo credit: Flash90)

After dating at least three of the biggest tech companies in the world, it appeared Sunday night that Waze was finally getting the ring â one worth $1.3 billion, according to a report in the Israeli business newspaper Globes.

Thatâs the sum Google has reportedly agreed to pay for Waze, the Raâanana-based crowdsourced driving and navigation app with 50 million users around the world. The figure is $300 million higher than Facebook reportedly offered to pay for the firm earlier this year.

A company source contacted by The Times of Israel had no comment on whether talks with Google (or any other party) were on or off. âWe donât comment on rumors and speculation in general,â the source said.

The purchase, reported by Globes citing an anonymous source, would be the biggest buyout yet for an Israeli consumer firm, far outstripping Face.comâs $60-million sale to Facebook last year. Indeed, it is believed that it would be the biggest sum paid for any app, ever.

In May, it was rumored that Facebook had offered nearly $1 billion for Waze, but negotiations broke down several weeks later, apparently over Facebookâs insistence that Waze move its R&D from Israel to one of Facebookâs existing facilities, in the US or Britain. Several weeks later, it was reported that Google was interested in Waze, and that the search giant had offered as much as $1 billion for the company as well.

Previous rumors â earlier this year â had Apple as a prospective Waze buyer, with an offer of $400 million for the Israeli company.

A Google-Waze deal would likely not get snagged over location; Google already has several large R&D facilities in Israel, and employs hundreds of engineers here. Integrating the already existing Waze group into the Google infrastructure would be much simpler than getting Waze integrated with Facebook, local social media expert Yotam Tavor told The Times of Israel.

However, it appears that location wasnât the only issue. As recently as several weeks ago â amid the rumors that Google was poised to make an offer for Waze â company insiders were quoted in news reports as saying that members of the Waze board of directors believed that they would be selling themselves short if they âsettledâ for $1 billion â and that they could raise much more with an IPO. How much Waze would fetch in an IPO isnât clear, but if the latest report is true, Google apparently agrees with the Waze officials opposed to a sale.

Google already has its own mapping and driving app, and competes with Waze, but the latter dominates in most of the markets where Googleâs Navigator app is used. As such, Google and Waze are competing in the same space, but most users agree that the Waze app is much more elegant and user-friendly than the Google one.

In addition, Waze has built an active and loyal social network, which is highly engaged with the app, as well as a built-in mobile ad platform. In its latest version, it supplies Google Maps-like recommendations â making it a perfect match for Google, Tavor said.

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	The Outcome Without Trade		The Outcome With Trade				The Gains From Trade
	What they Produce and Consume if they do not specialize according to comparative advantage.		What They Produce if they fully specialize in one good.	What They Trade	What They Consume		The Increase in Consumption
Mon	1.)	Point A	5.)	9.) 10.)	13.)	Point A^*	17.)	A to A^*
	2.)		6.)		14.)		18.)
Shaman	3.)	Point B	7.)	11.) 12.)	15.)	Point B^*	19.)	B to B^*
	4.)		8.)		16.)		20.)

Suppose Mon and Shaman do not specialize according to comparative advantage and exchange but instead choose to be self-sufficient.

Further, they devote half of their hours in each year to each good and they consume everything they produce domestically.

After specialization according to comparative advantage, they exchange 5,000 apps for 75,000 shrimp.

Compute values for the numbered cells.

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What is the opportunity cost of producing shrimp for Mon?

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What is the opportunity cost of producing Mobile Apps for Mon?

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What is the opportunity cost of producing Mobile Apps for Shaman?

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1.) Before specialization, how much shrimp will Mon produce?

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2.) Before specialization, how many mobile apps will Mon produce?

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3.) Before specialization, how much shrimp will Shaman produce?

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4.) Before specialization, how many mobile apps will Shaman produce?

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5.) If they specialize according to comparative advantage, how much shrimp will Mon produce?

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6.) If they specialize according to comparative advantage, how many mobile apps will Mon produce?

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7.) If they specialize according to comparative advantage, how much shrimp will Shaman produce?

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8.) If they specialize according to comparative advantage, how many mobile apps will Shaman produce?

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9.) After specialization according to comparative advantage, they exchange 5,000 apps for 75,000 shrimp, i.e. each country sells some of the good in which they have a comparative advantage for the good in which they have a comparative disadvantage.

How much shrimp will Mon trade?

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10.) How many mobile apps will Mon trade?

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11.) How much shrimp will Shaman trade?

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12.) How many mobile apps will Shaman trade?

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13.) After trade, how much shrimp will Mon consume?

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14.) After trade, how many mobile apps will Mon consume?

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15.) After trade, how much shrimp will Shaman consume?

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16.) After trade, how many mobile apps will Shaman consume?

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17.) After trade, Monâs shrimp consumption increased by how much?

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18.) After trade, Monâs mobile app consumption increased by how much?

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19.) After trade, Shamanâs shrimp consumption increased by how much?

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20.) After trade, Shamanâs mobile consumption increased by how much?

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What is the total amount of shrimp produced if Mon fully specializes in shrimp production?

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What is the total amount of shrimp produced if Shaman fully specializes in shrimp production?

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How many mobile apps will Mon produce if she fully specializes in producing mobile apps?

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How many mobile apps will Shaman produce if he fully specializes in producing mobile apps?

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ECON 315 Lecture Notes - Lecture 4: Poverty Trap, Human Capital

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