Study Guides (248,075)
Canada (121,283)
Sociology (282)
SOCI 3055 (1)

SOCI 3055- Exam Study Notes.docx

18 Pages
Unlock Document

SOCI 3055
Ariel Fuenzalida

SOCI 3055 Exam Study Notes Short Answers: - Point-form suggested (cut to the chase) - Write as much as you can -Only about half a page each (Single spaced, so 1 page double spaced) 1. Web ct discussion + “liberal account of addictions” paper 2. The idea that began the course + slides from first class 3. Jackle & hyde paper + class slides 4. Becker paper has everything 5. “opium wars” paper + control that is associated with drugs 6. Class slides from last class + metaphysics 7. “Do drugs have religious import?” paper + last set of class slides 8. Class slides for pharmaceuticals Essays -Detailed development of ideas -no need for citation -6 pages [double spaced] [we think] per essay. If you want an A. 1) “Discovery of Addiction” Levine -look at the last part of the paper -changes in language. The way the drugs are talked about. -shifts in class society 2) “Constructing the Pharmacological” paper -class slides for bio politics -class slides for pharmacological -“Jim Crow’s War on Drugs” paper (Class 4) -Paper on Valium. “The Pill you love can turn on you.....”- (Class 9) 3) “Official View on Addictions” -Refer to 3rd set of class slides Notes: 1. What are the three major positions with regards to addiction? And, what are some of their weaknesses? Use examples to illustrate your points. a) The disease view: an addict‘s drug-seeking behavior is the direct result of some physiological change in their brain, caused by chronic drug use. Example: an individual who needed painkillers (such as oxycontin) after suffering from an injury or illness that causes chronic pain may become addicted to the drug because they need it to function in their everyday life. Argument: Some critics argue that it is due to pleasure the addict continues to use substance not chronic brain damages, not planning but pursuit of this pleasurable experience. b) The willpower view: some part of the addict wishes to abstain but their will is not strong enough to overcome an immediate desire toward temptation. Example: An individual who smokes cigarettes wants to quit for their health, but cravings for nicotine overcome the want to quit. c) The lay view: drug users are morally corrupt hedonists (a person whose life is devoted to the pursuit of pleasure and self-gratification) who value immediate pleasure above all else and who rely on others to handle their health and survival problems. (From the article ―A Liberal Account of Addiction‖)Example: an individual who is addicted to a substance to the point where they will put everything on the line and leave their problems for someone else to fix.  The Willpower View is motivated by phenomenology and self-report, whereas the Disease View is based on neurobiological evidence. Both of these views do share similarities: addictive behaviour essentially non-voluntary. Drug causes them to use it due to drug-induced change in behaviour. The Willpower and Disease Views, we argue, are both false. Ironically, the Lay View is closest to the right view. Modern societies hold a number of very strong taboos against wanton pleasure- seeking behavior. These taboos construct our conception of rational, sane behavior, and close our eyes to an honest description of the addictive experience and of the biology that underpins it. They cause us to define addictive behavior,which in turn colors the scientific study of addictive motivation. The Liberal View is what the author argues as the way to define addictive behaviours, The Liberal View contains only three claims about addiction. First, we do not know whether an addict values anything more than the satisfaction of his addictive desires. Second, we do not know whether an addict behaves autonomously when they use drugs. Third, addictive desires are just strong, regular appetitive desires. (14) 2. How is the question, “what is a drug?” problematic? Use examples to illustrate your points. This question is problematic for a number of reasons. o First, because there is no agreed upon use of the term ‗drug‘. It can be categorized into a number of things, such as; narcotics, pharmaceuticals, medication, and the list goes on. Although, something that is said to be a medicine can also be a poison or in other words a pharmekon. From this we get the question of what drugs are good or bad, but in reality it‘s the use of them that is problematic; could be useful or detrimental). o Secondly, drugs can be a part of many aspects of life such as religious ceremony (wine), food and culture (alcohol), health and wellness (autheusca vine), and recreation and pleasure. The pleasure we get from them is a reason why some have condemned drugs. o Either way there is no agreement on what drugs are, there are so many uses for them, and so many opinions, it is literally impossible to have a concrete meaning. o The major point is that the term drug is an empty signifier that can mean anything we want it to; this can represent the undecidability of drugs. 3. What is intoxication? What are the two main poles through which intoxication has been understood in the West? What is the main binary distinction with regard to the effects of alcohol intoxication? Elaborate your answer by using examples.  Intoxication can be seen as the state of mind one enters after consuming a drug or alcohol.  The two main poles can be seen as the different views on the way the person ―under the influence‖ acts. o The first view is the demonic view; that they are under a demonic possession, and are responsible for what they speak in that state. In other words, it often makes people act or speak in ways they would not normally do. This can also be referred to as the ‗alcohol doing the talking‘ o The second view is a divinity view; that the truth is spoken when under the influence of alcohol. This can also be referred to as In vino veritas. The alcohol actually dis-inhibits the individual, making them more honest, spontaneous and giving them more courage to act then they would in normal circumstances. In other words the alcohol allows them to express their true feelings which they would have kept hidden otherwise.  The binary distinction with regards to the effects of alcohol intoxication… 4. According to Howard Becker, how does one become a marijuana user? What does his theory say about the nature of drug effects? According to Becker one becomes a marijuana user for pleasure only when he (1) learns to smoke it in a way that will produce real effects; (2) learns to recognize the effects and connect them with drug use; and (3) learns to enjoy the sensations he perceives According to Becker‘s theory the nature of these drug effects comes from the behaviour of the individual using them towards the marijuana; the state of mind one is in, or the way they feel about the drug itself will greatly alter and affect their experience. Also a key point is the person develops a new conceptualization of the ‗object‘. This happens in a number of communicative acts in which others point out new experiences to him, and new events that take place in order to form a new conceptualization of the drug. Examples in Becker‘s study were given, where ‗novices‘ were unable to feel the effects of the drugs because they simply did not know the symptoms of being high. They remained in these states until they were pointed out; so in other words the effects are what we conceptualize or create them to be. 5. How are drug control regimes implicated in „biopolitical” systems of surveillance and control? *** MIGHT NEED TO ADD TO THIS ONE! Foucault conceived of power operating in a number of different ways, but 3 formations of power are privileged in his analysis o Sovereign Power o Disciplinary Power o Biopower At the individual level the drug user emerged as a new criminal subject at the center of an array of medico-penal technologies At the collective level the drug problem is framed as a threat of epidemic proportion to social health and national prosperity The emergence of the narcotic control regime in the early twentieth century US provides a historical case study of what Michel Foucault has called ‗‗biopolitics‘‘. At the collective level, narcotic control policy emerged as a regulatory mechanism to secure the national population from the spread of addictive substances through an elaborate system of surveillance and control. At the individual level, the drug user emerged as a new criminal subject at the center of an array of medico-penal technologies that sought to understand the psychological and somatic dimensions of addiction, and to normalize the addicted person. 6. Psychedelic drugs unleash a number of effects that have been particularly difficult to understand. As a consequence, this class of drugs has undergone a number of name changes that directly reflect our understanding of what they do. What have they been called? How do these name changes relate to the models used to understand these effects? What are the two main factors that construct the psychedelic experience?  An early medical understanding of psychedelics, and LSD in particular, was that they were ‗psychotomimetics‘, temporarily placing users in the equivalent of a psychotic state. The first wave of medical research on LSD suggested that the pharmacokinetics acted in the areas of the brain responsible for schizophrenia – for example, a series of articles entitled ‗Schizophrenia: A New Approach‘ was published in the 1950s suggesting that naturally occurring adrenaline derivatives, similar in structure to LSD, might be the biochemical origin of schizophrenia (Osmond & Smythies, 1952), and that schizophrenia could be understood as autotoxicity, whereby the human body accidentally released a surplus of LSD-like chemicals that led to persistent perceptual alterations  Since the 1960s, the psychotomimetic theory of hallucinogens has declined and, for a while, considerable interest developed in the therapeutic potential of LSD. However, the precise cause of altered states of consciousness is still indeterminate. Julien says: · § One speculation about the process by which hallucinogens manifest their impressive alterations of mood, perception, and thought is that the pontine (dorsal) raphe, a major center of serotonin activity, serves as a filtering station for incoming sensory stimuli. It screens the flood of sensations and perceptions, eliminating those that are unimportant, irrelevant or commonplace. A drug like LSD may disrupt the sorting process, allowing a surge of sensory data and an overload of brain circuits. Dehabituation, in which the familiar becomes novel, is noted under LSD.(Julien, 2001, p. 344)  Link to the unconscious: Freudian therapists believed that LSD therapy proved the existence of the Freudian unconscious. Grof believed the validity of his patients‘ revelations was evident because his Czech patients were unfamiliar with Freudian ideas, yet still manifested Freudian memories  · · ―Delysid‖-Therapeutic tool: During the 1950s and 1960s, before Grof‘s research was published, a considerable literature developed on LSD as a therapeutic tool. Researchers tried LSD along with Ritalin (an amphetamine now most commonly prescribed for attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder) as treatments for a huge range of maladies including generalized anxiety, writer‘s block, psoriasis (a skin condition thought to be related to neurosis), migraine, female ‗frigidity‘, and male impotence (Ling & Buckman, 1963). · Made the assumption that the LSD experience was a model psychoses (i.e. it simulated madness) · As a consequence, the effects of LSD were usually compared with schizophrenia · Between 1950 and the mid-1960‘s there were more than a thousand clinical papers discussing 40,000 patients, several dozen books and 6 international conferences on psychedelic drug therapy. · Research found that after ingesting a psychedelic substance, some experimental subjects were less depressed, anxious, guilty, and angry, and more self-accepting, tolerant, deeply religious, and sensually alert · Psychotic therapy‖: · It was theorized that such moderate doses of LSD would aid in psychoanalytically oriented psychotherapy by uncovering the unconscious roots of neurotic disorders · Literally ―mind loosening‖ · Required relatively small doses (usually not more than 150 micrograms of LSD), which were used mainly for neurotic and psychosomatic disorders. · ―Psychedelic therapy‖ = mind manifesting · Emphasized the mystical or conversion experience and its after-effects.  The central idea of psychedelic therapy is of a single overwhelming experience that produces a drastic and permanent change in the way a person sees himself and the world.  It is assumed that if one traumatic event can shape a life, then one therapeutic session can reshape it · These drugs had the ability to transport the user to an area of experience that was preverbal or anti-verbal and this was a major drawback for any scientific enterprise · ―Acid‖/Party drug 7. Do drugs have religious import? Outline the main debate surrounding this question. In his trial-and-error life explorations man almost everywhere has stumbled upon connections between vegetables (eaten or brewed) and actions (yogi breathing exercises, whirling-dervish dances, flagellations) that alter states of consciousness. From a pharmacological standpoint we now understand these states to be the products of changes in brain chemistry. From the sociological perspective we see that they tend to be connected in some way with religion. If we discount the wine used in Christian communion services, the instances closest to us in time and space are the peyote of The Native American [Indian] Church and Mexico's 2000-year-old "sacred mushrooms," the latter rendered in Aztec as "God's Flesh"-striking parallel to "the body of our Lord" in the Christian eucharist. If there is one point about which every student of the drugs agrees, it is that there is no such thing as the drug experience per se-no experience that the drugs, as it were, merely secrete. Every experience is a mix of. three ingredients: drug, set (the psychological make-up of the individual), and setting (the social and physical environment in which it is taken). But given the right set and setting, the drugs can induce religious experiences indistinguishable from experiences that occur spontaneously. How do we know that the experiences these people have really are religious? We can begin with the fact that they say they are In the absence of (a) a single definition of religious experience acceptable to psychologists of religion generally and (b) foolproof ways of ascertaining whether actual experiences exemplify any definition. Suppose that drugs can induce experiences indistinguishable from religious experiences and that we can respect their reports. Do they shed any light, not (we now ask) on life, but on the nature of the religious life? One thing they may do is throw religious experience itself into perspective by clarifying its relation to the religious life as a whole. Drugs appear able to induce religious experiences; it is less evident that they can produce religious lives To begin with the weakest of all arguments, the argument from authority: William James did not discount his insights that occurred while his brain chemistry was altered. The paragraph in which he retrospectively evaluates his nitrous oxide experiences has become classic, but it is so pertinent to the present discussion that it merits quoting once again. To this argument from authority, I add two arguments that try to provide something by ways of reasons. Drug experiences that assume a religious cast tend to have fearful and/or beatific features, and each of my hypotheses relates to one of these aspects of the experience. Beginning with the ominous, "fear of the Lord," awful features. Turning from the hellish to the heavenly aspects of the drug experience, some of the latter may be explainable by the hypothesis just stated; that is, they may be occasioned by the relief that attends the sense of escape from high danger. But this hypothesis cannot possibly account for all the beatific episodes, for the simple reason that the positive episodes often come first, or to persons who experience no negative episodes whatever. Dr. Sanford Unger of the National Institute of Mental Health reports that among his subjects "50 to 60% will not manifest any real disturbance worthy of discussion," yet "around 75 % will have at least one episode in which exaltation, rapture, and joy are the key descriptions." How are we to account for the drug's capacity to induce peak experiences, such as the following, which are not preceded by fear Like every other form of life, man's nature has become distinctive through specialization. Man has specialized in developing a cerebral cortex. The analytic powers of this instrument are a standing wonder, but the instrument seems less able to provide man with the sense that he is meaningfully related to his environment: to life, the world, and history in their wholeness o As Albert Camus describes the situatid. The drugs do not knock this consciousness out, but while they leave it operative they also activate areas of the brain that normally lie below its threshold of awareness 8. Pharmaceuticals, such as Prozac and Ritalin, inaugurated the era of cosmetic psychopharmacology and have come to be identified as “lifestyle” medicines. What are lifestyle medicines? How are they branded? What are some of the implications of this?  Lifestyle medicine is defined as the application of environmental, behavioural, medical and motivational principles to the management of lifestyle-related health problems in a clinical setting. (wiki)  They are branded as “breakthroughs” or “miracle drugs” that allow individuals to become „normal‟ Example of medications that are branded with specific diseases:  Prozac would have to be a drug aimed at the ―walking wounded‖ with mild to moderate symptoms. The marketing strategy evolved from there, whose 2 main thrusts were: o To grow the antidepressant market o To push the features of the drug, such as the once-a-day dosing, rather than the benefits (effectiveness) o It is claimed that Prozac could make people ―better than well‖ and that it offered people the opportunity to give their brains a needed tune-up, a phenomenon he dubbed ―cosmetic psychopharmacology  SmithKline Beecham positioned Paxil as the best treatment for ―depression with associated symptoms of anxiety‖  The Paxil launch coincided with the release of DSM-IV, which finished the job of breaking up the catch-all ―anxiety neurosis‖ diagnosis. The end result was that anxiety became several distinct disorders. Thus SKB was able to obtain valuable new indications and Paxil was successively approved for the treatment of panic disorder, obsessive- compulsive disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder and social phobia.  Sarafem® is one of the first pharmaceutical products to have been heavily promoted by direct-to-consumer (DTC) advertising, and is prescribed for a highly contested syndrome attributed to women, namely, premenstrual dysphoria disorder (PMDD). Sarafem is fluoxetine hydrochloride—the same chemical marketed as Prozac by Eli Lilly. o According to an Eli Lilly representative: o ―We asked women and physicians, and they told us that they wanted a treatment with its own identity. Women do not look at their symptoms as a depression, and PMDD is not depression but a separate clinical entity. Prozac is one of the more famous pharmaceutical trademarks and is closely associated with depression.‖ o Thus, pharmaceutical companies, as well as consumers, confront disease and its treatment by looking beyond mere pharmacology. Implications: o ―Generic fluoxetine is not identical to brand name Prozac in appearance. The generic prescription you pick up at the pharmacy won‘t look like brand name Prozac. Receiving medication with a different color or shape may be unsettling or cause concern.‖ (From Eli Lilly‘s Prozac web site) o The branding and the social coding of drugs is situated within medical contexts where the attempt to make brands stick to diseases invites a whole new set of tensions among pharmaceutical companies, health care providers, and insurance companies. o Thus, within different institutional settings, the patient/consumer encounters quite different ideas of how disease, bodies, and drugs go together.  Public concepts of disease are increasingly formed on the bases of DTC marketing of pharmaceutical products. Accordingly, there is a new political economy of health care. The Web site for Sarafem, for instance, disperses information to physicians differently from how it presents information to patients.  Physicians are informed that:  ―Fluoxetine was initially developed and marketed as an antidepressant (Prozac®, fluoxetine hydrochloride).‖  Patients, on the other hand, read:  ―What is the active ingredient in Sarafem? Sarafem contains fluoxetine hydrochloride, the same active ingredient found in Prozac.‖  Both statements are technically true, but socially, they produce very different meanings. Essay Questions: 1) An important shift occurred at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century with regards to our understanding of habitual drunkenness. According to Harry G. Levine, the new configuration that arose in this period amounts to nothing less than “the discovery of addiction.” What are the traditional ideas about habitual drunkenness? How was alcoholism reconfigured after the radical break with these traditional ideas? In other words, what are the main elements of the modern definition of alcoholism? And, most importantly, how is the transformation in social thought concerning addiction grounded in deeper changes in the structure of society? The idea that alcoholism is a progressive disease – the chief symptom of which is loss of control over drinking behavior, and whose only remedy is abstinence from all alcoholic beverages. This new paradigm constituted a radical break with traditional ideas about the problems involved in drinking alcohol. Laymen(non-intellectual average men. Ie average hick *Christian) and physicians associated with the two newly created temperance organizations developed theories about addiction and brought the experience of it to public attention. Temperance movement and New Disease Conception. The most important difference between temperance thought and the "new disease conception" is the location of the source of addiction. The temperance movement found the source of addiction in the drug itself – alcohol was viewed as an inherently addicting substance, much as heroin is today. Post-Prohibition thought locates the source of addiction in the individual body – only some people, it is argued, for reasons yet unknown, become addicted to alcohol. Seventeenth-century and especially 18th-century America was notable for the amount of alcoholic beverages consumed, the universality of their use and the high esteem they were accorded. Liquor was food, medicine and social lubricant, and even such a Puritan divine as Cotton Mather called it the "good creature of God." It flowed freely at weddings, christenings and funerals, at the building of churches, the installation of pews and the ordination of ministers. During the 17th century, and for most of the 18th, the assumption was that people drank and got drunk because they wanted to, and not because they "had" to. In colonial thought, alcohol did not permanently disable the will; it was not addicting, and habitual drunkenness was not regarded as a disease. At the end of the 18th century and in the early years of the l9th some Americans began to report for the first time that they were addicted to alcohol: They said they experienced overwhelming and irresistible desires for liquor. Beginning in the 19th century, terms like "overwhelming," "overpowering" and "irresistible" were used to describe the drunkard's desire for liquor. In the colonial period, however, these words were almost never used. Instead, the most commonly used words were "love" and "affection," terms seldom used in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the modern definition of alcoholism, the problem is not that alcoholics love to get drunk, but that they cannot help it – they cannot control themselves. They may actually hate getting drunk, wishing only to drink moderately or "socially." In the traditional view, however, the drunkard's sin was the love of "excess" drink to the point of drunkenness. The invention of the concept of addiction, or the discovery of the phenomenon of addiction, at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century, can be best understood not as an independent medical or scientific discovery, but as part of a transformation in social thought grounded in fundamental changes in social life – in the structure of society. Throughout the l9th century, people associated with the temperance movement argued that intoxication, intemperance (excessive use of an alcoholic beverage) or habitual drunkenness was a disease, and a natural consequence of the moderate use of alcoholic beverages. Indeed, the idea that drugs are inherently addicting was first systematically worked out for alcohol and then extended to other substances. In the last decade or so of the 19th century, temperance ideology began to shift away from its broad reformist orientation, toward a single-minded concern with Prohibition. The older organizations, especially the fraternal ones, declined. The leaders who had guided the movement since the end of the Civil War died, and were replaced by a new generation which prided itself on its practical and scientific attitudes. As was true at the beginning of the 19th century, developing a new model of alcohol problems would necessarily be part of a reformulation of social problems in general. Thus even if a new paradigm or model does emerge, it will have to compete and coexist with the addiction perspective for a long time – just as, for the last 200 years, the addiction model has had to compete and coexist with the pre-addiction view. For those interested in criticizing and transcending the addiction model of drug use, it is important to understand that the medical model has much deeper roots than has previously been thought. The structural and ideological conditions which made addiction a "reasonable" way to interpret behavior in the l9th century have not disappeared in the 20th: Many people still face the problem of
More Less

Related notes for SOCI 3055

Log In


Join OneClass

Access over 10 million pages of study
documents for 1.3 million courses.

Sign up

Join to view


By registering, I agree to the Terms and Privacy Policies
Already have an account?
Just a few more details

So we can recommend you notes for your school.

Reset Password

Please enter below the email address you registered with and we will send you a link to reset your password.

Add your courses

Get notes from the top students in your class.