Practice Questions and Notes for POLI SCI 2I03
PART A- SHORT ANSWER
1. In What year did the Peace of Westphalia Occur? 1648
2. In International Politics, as a scholarly discipline, was founded in what year? 1919
3. Who wrote the following?
― In the field of action, realism tends to emphasize the irresistible strength of
existing forces and the inevitable character of existing tendencies, and to insist
that the highest wisdom lies in accepting, and adapting oneself to, these forces
and these tendencies.‖ -E.H. Carr
4. The German Empire was dissolved in the aftermath of WWI. Which other empires suffered the
same fate? Austro-Hungarian
5. The Cuban Missile Crisis occurred in which year? 1962
6. Who said the following?
― I want to say- and this is very important- at the end we lucked out. It was luck
that prevented nuclear war. We came that close to nuclear war at the end.
Rational individuals: Kennedy was rational; Khrushchev was rational; Castro was
rational. Rational individuals came that close to a total destruction of their
societies. And that danger exists today.‖ -Robert McNamara
7. According to Hans Morgenthau, what is the first principle of political realism? Objective laws
based on human nature
8. Graham T. Alison, in his study of the Cuban Missile Crisis, explores three different levels of
analysis which are: the rational actor model; the organizational process model; and,
governmental politics model.
9. According to Kenneth Waltz, the first determinant of international structure is ordering
principle of the system.
10. What kind of gains do neoliberal institutionalists emphasize (in contrast to realists)? Absolute
11. According to constructivists, agents and structures are _____________?
12. Briefly define general deterrence and the importance of credibility to the concept (maximum 3-5
13. Briefly outline Barry Buzan‘s notion of securitization (max 3-5 sentences).
Issues become securitized then leaders begin to talk about them and to gain power the ear of
the public and the state in terms of existential threats against some valued referent object.
The securitizing formulas is that such threats require exceptional measures and emergency
action to deal with them. Securitization legitimates the use of force, but it raises the issue
above normal politics and into the realm of panic politics where departures from the rules of
normal politics justify secrecy, additional executive powers, and activities that would
otherwise be illegal.
1 14. Kenneth Waltz asserts that the gradual spread of nuclear weapons across the international
system makes the world a safer place. Scott Sagan, however, disagrees. Summarize Sagan‘s
argument in two main points as per the lectures/ readings.
15. Where was the world‘s first department of international politics formed? Aberystwyth (Near
16. E.H. Carr published his seminal work, The Twenty Years‘ Crisis, exactly 20 years after finding
the discipline. In what year was this work published? 1939
17. According to Kenneth Waltz, the third determinant of international structure is distribution of
capabilities in the system.
18. Stephen Kranser defines a regime as the ―principles, norms, rules, and- decision making
around which actors‘ expectations converge on a given issue-area‖
19. According to Hans Morgenthau, the supreme political virtue is_____________.
20. What kind of gains do realists emphasize (in contrast, for example, to neoliberal
institutionalists)? Relative Gains.
21. Instead of focusing on the ―international system,‖ per se, constructivist analysis focuses on
“norms or international society.‖
22. What year did the fall of the Berlin Wall occur? 1989
23. Who wrote ―Anarchy is what states make of it‖ and The Social Theory of International Politics?
24. Positivists argue that it is possible to separate object and subject.
25. Karl Marx famously wrote that ―philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways.
The point, however, is ________________________.‖
26. Liberal feminists argue that women‘s equality can be achieved by removing the
_______________ that deny women the same opportunities as men.
International and Global Security
1. Why is security a ‗contested concept?
2. Why do traditional realist writers focus on national security?
3. What do neo-realist writers mean by ‗structure?
4. Why do wars occur?
5. Why do states find it difficult to cooperate?
6. What is distinctive about ‗constructivist‘ views and poststructuralist views about
international security differ from those of ‗neo-realist‘?
International Political economy in an age of globalization
1. in what ways did the Bretton Woods framework for the post war economy try to avoid the
economic problems of the inter-war years?
2. What was the ‗breakdown of the Bretton Woods system?
3. did a loss of US hegemony cause the breakdown of the Bretton Woods system?
4. What is different about the Marxian and mercantilist depiction of power in the
5. In what way do neo-gramscians invoke structure in their explanation of IPE
2 1. what are the defining elements of a regime?
2. is a regime the same as an organization?
3. why did the study of international regimes develop in the 1970‘s?
4. what characteristic features do the realist and liberal institutionalist approaches to
regime analysis share?
5. How does the realist approach to regime analysis differ from the liberal institutionalist
The United Nations
1. How does the UN try to maintain international order?
2. why have more states decided to support the work of the UN?
3. Does the increased UN activity undermine the sovereignty of states?
Transnational actors and international actors and international organizations in global
1. what are the different types of transnational actors? give examples of each type.
2. how is it possible for NGOs to exercise influence in global politics? (note: this question
can be answered both in theoretical terms and in practical empirical terms)
3. How do transnational companies affect the sovereignty of governments?
4. what contributions did NGOs in the coalition for an International Criminal Court make it
the creation of the court?
1. what are the possible connections, both negative and positive, between globalization
and environmental change?
2. Why did environmental issues appear on the international agenda and what were the
key turning points?
Terrorism and Globalization
1. Why is linking terrorism with globalization so difficult to do theoretically?
2. When did terrorism become a truly global phenomenon and what enabled it to do so?
3. What had changed in terrorism over the past-century, and have any factors remained
the same? If so, how?
4. How has the concept of security, in personal, societal and international terms, changed
as a result of globalized terrorism-and how will it change in the future?
1. what properties make nuclear weapons different from conventional forms?
2. what are the implications of the global diffusion of nuclear and long-range delivery
3. What is nuclear proliferation?
Global Trade and Finance
1. what implications has the failure of the international trade organization had for
subsequent attempts to tie trade globalization to the introduction of progressive social
conditions of productions?
2. does the WTO promote genuine trade globalization or an asymmetric trade globalization
favouring developed countries?
3. Explain the way in which the IMF appears to have become all-powerful in its relationship
with developing countries.
3 4. Is a ‗new Bretton Woods‘ necessary if regulatory coherence is once again to be
introduced between the spears of global trade and global finance?
Poverty, development, and hunger
1. what does poverty mean?
2. how effectively has the orthodox model of development neutralized the critical,
3. why has the discipline of international relations been slow to engage with issue of
poverty and development?
1. is the system of national implementation of international human rights, all things
considered, such a bad thing? Is there a practical alternative that might be more
2. what are the gaps in the global human rights regime? is there a substantial dark side?
Humanitarian intervention in world politics
1. how far if the use of force the defining characteristic of humanitarian intervention?
2. how important are motives, intentions, means, an outcomes in judging the humanitarian
credentials of an intervention?
3. how far is military force an effective instrument for the promotion of humanitarian
Globalization and the transformation of political community
Anarchy: A system operating in the absence of any central government.
Neorealism: Modification of the realist approach, by recognizing economic resources (in
addition to military capabilities) are a basis for exercising influence and also an attempt to make
realism 'more scientific' to explain international politics.
Constructivism: An approach to international politics that concerns itself with the centrality of
ideas and human consciousness and stresses a holistic and idealist view of structures.
Multipolarity: A distribution of power among a number (at least three) of major powers or
Unipolarity: A distribution of power internationally in which there is clearly only one dominant
power or 'pole'. Some analysts argue that the international system became unipolar in the
1990s since there was no longer any rival to American power.
Balance of Power: Refers to an equilibrium between states
Gender: What it means to be male or female in a particular place or time; the social
construction of sexual difference.
Globalization: A historical process involving a fundamental shift or transformation in the spatial
scale of human social organization that links distant communities and expands the reach of
power relations across regions and continents.
Sovereignty: The principle that within its territorial boundaries the state is the supreme political
authority, and that outside those boundaries the state recognizes no higher political authority.
Terrorism: The use of illegitimate violence by sub-state groups to inspire fear, by attacking
civilians and/or symbolic targets.
4 Realism: The theoretical approach that analyzes all international relations as the relation of
states engaged in the pursuit of power.
Regime: These are sets of implicit or explicit principles, norms, rules, and decision-making
procedures around which actors' expectations converge in a given area of international
Liberalism: concern for power over identity through economic and political consideration, value
order, liberty, and justice. Institutions needed, cooperation economic liberation, economic
interdependence, and democracy key to world peace
Feminism: This approach emphasizes the role of gender in international relations. The social
construction of gender via masculinity and femininity is examined.
World Systems Theory: Created by Immanuel Wallerstein, this theory emphasizes the
economic relationship between the core, semi-periphery and periphery.
Marxism: This theory discusses the relationship between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie as
part of ongoing class struggle. The mode and means of production are emphasized.
Dependency Theory: Created in the 1970s by Latin American scholars, this theory stresses the
dependency of the periphery on the core.
PART B- LONG ANSWER
1. Briefly explain how the modern nation- state first emerged in Europe and how subsequent
trends and major historical events led to the rise of the sovereign state as the dominant political
unity of the international relations. (Cover the period from the end of the Thirty Years‘ War to the
End of WWI).
The end of the thirty years‘ war resulted in the ‗treaty of westphalia‘ which was
the first step towards a sovereign nation-state. The treaty gave the nations their
sovereign right and made an attempt to stop the invasion and interference in state by
other states.during this time the church was the head of the state and the kings (were
gods representatives) words the natural law. However, when Henry 8th sought to break
free from the Catholic church and divorce his wife , the church‘s power started to
diminish slowly but ‗surely‘. Further people began to question things around them and
thus came along the age of enlightenment age of reason. People began to find logic in
things through scientific research. Paris was the centre of the universe. It was rich in its
culture, language, and ideas and most of the philosophers came from there. Then came
Napoleon, who was the leader of france, the guy who will lead France to more citizen
rights. Napoleon wanted to invade Russia, and so he appointed someone to study war
and military/army. Napoleon's men were made up of french catholics who were fighting
for France. On the other hand the Russian Czar appointed his cousin as chief of the
army who had relatives who were gentries. Thus the Russian army was made up of
teenager peasants who could not pay tax on their land, etc. In addition the french men
who fought and were injured received medical care and rewards. The French men killed
5 in the war were given honour and pension. This was another big step taken towards
modern day states, where the state takes care of its citizens. However, with the end of
WWI people began to question the act of war due to teh amount of casualties/deaths of
civilians that were targeted during the war. People wanted to find the purpose of war
and why they fought. This all resulted in a discipline called International Relations,
exactly in 1919 was the birth of IR Aberystwyth a city near Whales. For the first time the
concept of war, peace and international unity was analyzed.
2. What are the major similarities and differences between classical realism and structural
3. What are the major similarities and difference between neorealism and neoliberal
Neorealism looks at the state as the centre point and says that the international
system is an anarchy where war is inevitable. This is a natural thing we need rational
states and state leader to not let war happen. While neoliberal institutionalism has its
basis in liberal political economy, individualism, peace, human rights etc, and say that
non-state actors (like the UN, NATO, WTO, IMF) will prevent war from happening by
pressurizing states. It says anarchy exists but can be regulated and prevent war through
order and rule of law. Neorealism regards UN as another place where the US can
exercise its power. Neoliberal institutionalism regards UN as a good institution, where
many members are joining and have the same right.
4. What are the major similarities and difference between the neo- Marxist theory of economic
integration and the neoliberal institutionalism theory of economic integration? (taken)
5. With regards to Mueller‘s analysis of so- called ―ethnic wars,‖ explain the relative strengths of a
constructivist approach (as opposed to rationalist, utilitarian theories) in framing the Rwandan
genocide and the war in the former Yugoslavia. → THIS MAY COME
Muerller‘s analysis of so-called constructivist approach will look at the Rwanda
genocide not as a conflict between the Hutus and Tutsis between analyze its history why
it happened and where it came from Constructivism will recognize that Hutus and Tutsis
were ethical groups formed by the Belgians and later by France. Hutus were thought to
be more European like and got more privileges due to that (ID cards)later after the
Belgians and French had left. Years of discrimination,conflict and oppression led to the
atrocious genocide. The war of former Yugoslavia will not be looked as a religious war
between Muslims and Christians. But one that was ignited socially and potentially driven.
6. Outline the connection between ―wars of a third kind,‖ terrorism and the changing nature of the
state system in postwar order. → THIS ONE TOO (I’LL HAVE QUESTION 5 AND 6 DONE
7. The lectures have frequently emphasized the necessary connection between developments in
international history and developments in IR theory. What events prompted the rise of Wilsonian
or interwar liberalism and, subsequently, the postwar advent of neoliberal institutionalism?
6 8. Compare and contrast classical realism and structural realism. What are the major similarities
and differences between the two approaches? What are their relative strengths and
States act as the main actors in Classical Realism, but are not the only ones.
Morgenthau believes in diplomacy and that can‘t be achieved without looking at humans.
On the other hand,leaders of the state are the main actors in Structural Realism. The
main differences between these theories lies in their structure. Classical Realists require
a patriotic virtue in order to survive the battle between good and evil but Structural
Realists stress the importance of the structure of international political systems which
affects their behaviour. They have very different rules of the game: Multipolarity.
Classical Realists‘s drive for power and will to dominate are fundamental as this realism
is all about the struggle for belonging and can often get violent. This is similar as
Structural Realist‘s believe pursuits of security is primary and it is a defensive realism, so
security measures are maximized and violence can be undertaken anytime. This is all
about power whereas Classical Realists maintain a morality. Lastly, these two theories
are similar as they are both relative, only looking out for themselves.
9. Compare and contrast neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism. What are the major similarities
and differences between the two approaches? What are their relative strengths and
10. Neo-Marxist and neoliberal institutionalist theories of international relations propose conflicting
explanations for global economic integration. How and why do these approaches differ? What
theoretical assumptions lead each approach to such divergent conclusions?
11. What is the difference, according to Robert Cox, between problem solving theory and critical
theory? How do neo-marxist and feminist theories fall under the critical theory umbrella? And,
how do they contribute to the study and practice of international relations?
12. Foreign policy analysis has experienced a revival in recent years due largely to the explanatory
failures of structural realism with regards to pivotal events and patterns in international politics.
Describe these failures and how contending approaches such as constructivism (and/or any
other theories) are beginning to fill these explanatory voids.
1. Constructivism, Critical Theory and Social Change
Realists tend to avoid questions of social change in international relations, focusing instead
on continuity and general laws. Critics, however, see this proclivity as a major flaw.
Review either Robert Cox‘s neo-Marxist article on the social forces of hegemony or
Alexander Wendt‘s constructivist article on the social construction of anarchy. Apply the
article to an analysis of either ―bottom-up‖ changes brought about by any single, issue-
specific network of non-state actors, (i.e. human rights non-governmental organizations
(NGOs), private security companies (PSCs) etc.), or a case study of one particular ―top-
7 down‖ shift in global power or production (i.e. the rise of China, the growing strength of
the ―BRIC‖ economies, regionalism etc.). Does the article live up to its promises when
tested against a case study? What does it help to explain? What important factors does
2. Feminist Contributions to IR
Read the following exchange between Tickner and Keohane on feminism and IR theory
and apply the debate to any single, relevant, case study that falls broadly within the
thematic issue areas discussed in the course (security, development, human rights,
genocide and crimes against humanity, human trafficking, the environment etc.). Can
your empirical study help to entangle Tickner and Keohane‘s theoretical dispute? What
are the major contributions—and limitations—of feminist IR theory that your analysis
Extra Readings Summaries:
Henry Kissinger “The Pitfalls of Universal Jurisdiction”
Henry Kissinger has written a refutation of the current equilibrium of the case for
Universal Jurisdiction. Kissinger states the first approach applies domestic court procedures to
violations at the international level. The second mechanism is through the International Criminal
Court (ICC) (Kissinger 2001). Kissinger argues that the trajectory of United Nations Conventions
does not support Universal Jurisdiction. His focal point is the case ex parte: Pinochet.
His argument elaborates a common ground concept with universalists that heinous acts
should be prosecuted. This consolidation of law and instinct to punish must however be
connected to a democratic political structure, a system of checks and balances, and
other elements conducive to the survival of democracy.
Kissinger further argues that a ―dangerous precedent‖ is set by the interpretation
of political history that is not favorable to one‘s own in this case the European Left. His
position is best left to his own words (Kissinger 2001):
The unprecedented and sweeping interpretation of international law in Ex parte:
Pinochet would arm any magistrate anywhere in the world with the power to demand
extradition, substituting the magistrate's own judgment for the reconciliation procedures
of even incontestably democratic societies where alleged violations of human rights may
have occurred. It would also subject the accused to the criminal procedures of the
magistrate's country, with a legal system that may be unfamiliar to the defendant and
that would force the defendant to bring evidence and witnesses from long distances.
Kissinger refutes the International Criminal Court as ―an indiscriminate court‖.
Prosecutional discretion without any accountability is a serious flaw. The owed guarantees
available in the United States will not equate to domestic considerations of due process
(Kissinger 2001). As the U.S. experience with the special prosecutors investigating the
executive branch shows, such a procedure is likely to develop its own momentum without time
limits and can turn into an instrument of political warfare. And the extraordinary attempt of the
8 ICC to assert jurisdiction over Americans even in the absence of U.S. accession to the treaty
has already triggered legislation in Congress to resist it.
Kissinger concludes his refusal on the Pitfalls of Universal Jurisdiction by stating three
modest proposals. He cites that international tribunals established to deal with the enormity of
crimes where the local judicial system is not competent as in Yugoslavia and Rwanda that
punishment occurs without removing political judgment and experience. In a future state it
would be possible to renegotiate the ICC statute (Kissinger 2001).
1. The U.N. Security Council should create a Human Rights Commission or a special
subcommittee to report whenever systematic human rights violations seem to warrant
2. The Security Council would set up an ad hoc international tribunal on the model of those
of the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda when the government under which the alleged
crime occurred is not authentically representative or where the domestic judicial
system is incapable of sitting in judgment on the crime,.
3. The Security Council would define procedures for these international tribunals. The
scope of the prosecution should be precisely defined by, and the accused should be
entitled to the due process safeguards accorded in common jurisdictions.
Henry Kissinger has presented his refutation to the current status of Universal
Jurisdiction in degree based on the particular interests of the one state he has the most direct
experience, hence the United States. Since 2001 events reflecting this country and world as
Darfur and the Iraqi War have developed under the realities of concretism to bring to a court of
justice the agents of belligerent acts of abuse. Kissinger‘s arguments on some issues have
merit. The weakest however is the use of political history in the Pinochet case. The United
States involvement in Chilean issues is not a good cornerstone to avoid bringing to the courts
the disappearances of 3,000 persons. To date in June of 2005 confessions of key personnel in
the Pinochet regime have confirmed that persons were pushed out planes over the Pacific
Ocean. Pinochet who is in failing health has been stripped of immunity.
Kenneth Roth “The Case for Universal Jurisdiction”
Kenneth Roth is Executive Director of Human Rights Watch and has directly rebutted
Kissinger‘s paper. Roth‘s position emphasis is that Tyrants commit atrocities as genocide to
calculate creating a culture of impunity of which domestic courts uphold. Roth states that
international courts are emerging from this pattern (Roth 2001).
Roth rebuts Kissinger with mostly abstraction and follows with particular instances (Roth 2001):
In "The Pitfalls of Universal Jurisdiction" (July/August 2001), former Secretary of State Henry
Kissinger catalogues a list of grievances against the juridical concept that people who commit
the most severe human rights crimes can be tried wherever they are found. But his objections
are misplaced, and the alternative he proposes is little better than a return to impunity.
Both debaters argue only modern positive documents regarding Universal Jurisdiction.
Kissinger posits that he does not believe that the signatories of early treaties as the Geneva
Conventions of 1949 require each participating state to "search for" persons who have
committed grave breaches of the conventions and to "bring such persons, regardless of
nationality, before its own courts." (Roth 2001).
9 Roth cites that Kissinger bases his critique on two points: the soon-to-be-formed International
Criminal Court and the exercise of universal jurisdiction by national courts. Kissinger‘s claim that
the ICC treaty are ―vague‖ and ―susceptible to political application.‖ Roth counters that the ICC‘s
definition of war crimes resembles the Pentagon‘s and is derived from the Genocide Convention
of 1948 ratified by 131 countries and the United States.
A position also set forth by Kissinger is that membership of international courts composition is
arbitrary and subjects American‘s to due process violations. Roth concurs in part stating that
any court‘s regard for dupe process is only as ―good as the quality and temperament of its
judges.‖ (Roth 2001).
Roth states that any fear of the ICC violating the U.S. Constitution is unlikely. The Rome treaty
―deprives the ICC of jurisdiction if, after the court gives required notice of its intention to examine
a suspect, the suspect's government conducts its own good-faith investigation and, if
appropriate, prosecution.‖ Roth further states that recently national courts have exercised
universal jurisdiction against Bosnian war criminals, Rwandan genocidaires, argentine torturers,
and Chad‘s former dictator. This was not based on any grounds of ideology (Roth 2001).
Samantha Power “Bystanders to Genocide: Why the United States Let the Rwandan
Jon Barnett and Neil W. Adger “Climate Change, Human Security and Violent Conflict”
Climate change is increasingly been called a ‗security‘ problem, and there has been speculation that climate
change may increase the risk of violent conflict. This paper integrates three disparate but well- founded bodies of
research e on the vulnerability of local places and social groups to climate change, on livelihoods and violent conflict,
and the role of the state in development and peacemaking, to offer new insights into the relationships between
climate change, human security, and violent conflict. It explains that climate change increasingly undermines human
security in the present day, and will increasingly do so in the future, by reducing access to, and the quality of, natural
resources that are important to sustain livelihoods. Climate change is also likely to undermine the capacity of states
to provide the opportunities and services that help people to sustain their livelihoods. We argue that in certain
circumstances these direct and indirect impacts of climate change on human security may in turn increase the risk of
violent conflict. The paper then outlines the broad contours of a research programme to guide empirical investigations
into the risks climate change poses to human security and peace.
Rafael Reuveny “Climate Change Induced Migration and Violent Conflict”
In a world of rising sea levels and melting glaciers, climate change is most likely occurring but with
uncertain overall effects. I argue that we can predict the effects of climate change on migration by explor- ing the
effects of environmental problems on migration in recent decades. People can adapt to these prob- lems by staying in
place and doing nothing, staying in place and mitigating the problems, or leaving the affected areas. The choice
between these options will depend on the extent of problems and mitigation capabilities. People living in lesser
developed countries may be more likely to leave affected areas, which may cause conflict in receiving areas. My
findings support this theory, and suggest certain policy implications for climate change.
1. Traditional environmental issues include:
a) Natural resource conservation.
b) Climate change.
10 c) Pollution.
d) a and c.
2. What is the main role of the World Bank?
a) To be a forum for trade and liberalization.
b) To assist countries in development.
c) To facilitate private investment around the world.
d) All of the options given are correct.
3. Define a regime.
a) A country with a constitution.
b) Delineated area of rule-governed activity.
c) A set of implicit or explicit principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures
around which actors' expectations converge in a given area of international relations.
d) b and c.
4. Who would realists suggest has a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force?
a) Islamic Fundamentalists.
b) The State.
c) The United Nations.
d) None of the options given is correct.
5. What is meant by the "Washington Consensus"?
a) The consensus in Washington about matters of foreign policy.
b) The ten point guideline to liberal economic reform for development around the
c) The ten point guideline for economic growth in Europe.
d) The ten point neo-liberal guideline for progress in the US.
6. Which factor did not lead to the birth of transnational terrorism?
a) The end of the cold war.
b) The expansion of air travel.
c) The wider availability of televised news coverage.
d) Broad common political and ideological interests.
7. Who are the permanent members of the UN Security Council?
a) Japan, Germany, France, Britain, Canada, United States.
b) France, Russia, USA, Britain, China.
c) USA, Germany, Britain, Brazil, China, Nigeria.
d) USA, China, Britain, Germany, India.
11 8. What is the basis of the fear of relaxing the principle of non-intervention?
a) Because it may lead to military action by individual states without UN approval.
b) Because it may lead to UN intervention in the internal affairs of all states.
c) Because some developing countries are suspicious of what appears to be the
granting of a license to Western developed states to intervene in their affairs.
d) Because individual sovereignty may become more important than national
9. What is the main role of the IMF?
a) To ensure a stable exchange rate regime and provide emergency assistance to
countries facing crises in balance of payments.
b) To be a forum for trade and liberalization.
c) To assist countries in development.
d) To facilitate privIate investment around the world.
10. The orthodox view of development assumes:
a) That people can only move forward through self-reliance.
b) That economic growth can be unlimited through the free market and will trickle
down to the poor.
c) That economic growth is unimportant in development.
d) That equitable development is more important than efficient development.
11. What does structural adjustment involve?
a) Measures to reduce inflation.
b) Measures to curb government expenditure.
d) All of the options given are correct
12. What is Dependency Theory? (Neo-Marxist Idea)
a) Economic activity in the richer countries often leads to serious economic
problems in the poorer countries.
b) Economic development of poorer countries is positively dependent on economic
growth of richer countries.
c) Economic growth is beneficial to all.
d) None of the options given are correct.
13. The Constructivist approach pays attention to:
a) The rational actor.
b) How rational choice can be applied to constructing social groups.
12 c) How actors construct their interests within a structure of ideas, culture and knowledge
(which itself is shaped by hegemonic powers). (Gramscian approach)
d) How states and other actors construct their preferences, highlighting the role
of identities, beliefs, tradition and values.
14. What is meant by national security?
a) Security of a country defined in socio-economic terms.
b) Security largely defined in militarized terms.
c) Security based on a country's domestic politics.
d) None of the options given is correct.
15. How do neo-liberals understand power in the process of regime formation?
a) Power does not come into play when a state enters an international regime.
b) Power can be used by a hegemon to pressure other states to collaborate and
conform to a regime.
c) In the absence of hegemonic power, states can establish and maintain regimes
d) b and c.
16. Under what conditions will states create international institutions?
a) For mutual gains.
b) Only where relative position relative to other states is not affected.
c) They arise as reflections of identities and interest of states and groups which are
themselves forged through interactions.
d) Depends on the school of thought.
17. What is meant by security dilemma?
a) Where states help spread instability and conflict between other states.
b) It is the dilemma a state faces when constructing national security plans.
c) A structural notion in which self-help attempts of states to look after their
security needs, tend regardless of intention to lead to a rise in insecurity.
d) All of the options given are correct.
18. The realist pessimist position is based upon which assumptions about the way the
international system works?
a) The international system is anarchic.
b) States that are claiming sovereignty will inevitably develop offensive military
capabilities to defend themselves and extend their power.
c) States will want to maintain their independence and sovereignty and therefore
survival will be the driving force influencing their behaviour.
d) All of the options given are correct.
13 19. How did constructivism offer new insight into the study of international relations?
a) It focused on the decision-makers and their backgrounds.
b) It looked at how diplomatic institutions are constructed.
c) It demonstrated how attention to norms and states' identities could help
uncover previously neglected issues.
d) All of the options given are correct.
20. What are the core assumptions of neo-realists?
a) The structure of the system is a major determinant of actor behaviour.
b) States are rational actors, selecting strategies