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Queen's University
Political Studies
POLS 212
J.Scott Matthews

1 General Notes: - 1993 Federal election: central issue? - 1988 Federal election: central issue? - Short Answer Questions: 2-2 ½ pages in length (quality over quantity) - ER articles yet to review: central themes/arguments, names of authors - Short Answer questions based more extensively on the readings Week 2: Regionalism and the party system I&II - Institutional manifestations of regionalism i.e. allocation of Senate seats, Constitutional votes - Regional differentiation: Differences in the levels of variables of interest across region o Political attitudes and behaviour i.e. regions have voted differently, resulting in different representation in the Commons o Regional differentiation as a source of difference/variability is what qualifies region as a source of political cleavage - Regional Identity: an understanding as the self as part of a group defined by a region, i.e. one‟s self-image revolves around regional membership – psychological consequences/effects o We are likely to homogenize regional groups, and see other groups as different - Regionalism: A view of the world, the well being/interests of the region are politically important - Regionalism may arise from regional differentiation, but the two are not the same; conversely, an ideology of regionalism may produce regional differentiation and other differences in policy - Regionalism makes the assumption that regional differentiation and identities (pre)exist - Most differences that arise across region are actually fairly small - Magnitude of difference across regions concerning certain issues i.e. welfare and healthcare spending, education, private sector and job creation – how much more/less should be spent - There is a persistent regional difference in defence spending: QC consistently wants less - Even then, the graphical illustration/patterns show that regions over time move in similar directions, as each responds to the same political/social/etc. indicators - Interregional conflict in Canada is NOT usually about fundamental questions of policy, rather i.e. “is your province being treated fairly/with the respect it deserves in Canada or not?” - Regionalism and Proportional Representation vs. FPTP: PR looks at votes across the country and assigns seats accordingly, while FPTP looks at ridings, certain regional appeals o CARINS: FPTP privileges geographically concentrated, punishes small dispersed o Creates incentives: parties/candidates act differently than they would in a different electoral system Alan Cairns on Federalism - Common view that federalism is a response to social factors; Cairns refutes this view, arguing that the institutions of government set up the federal system, but that prov. gov‟ts are important - Cairns: the reason Canada is regional is because we are federal i.e. federalism shapes society Nelson Wiseman: Prairie Politics (ER 3/19) - Settlers brought with them political ideologies that are still present in the West today (i.e. Wiseman is arguing, contrary to Cairns, that society matters, rather than institutions) - However, today, regionalism doesn‟t cause large rifts in policy (Wiseman exaggerating?) Regionalism II - Signs of regional discord are found mainly in federal-provincial relations - i.e. provinces thinking they are not treated well enough by the federal government; however do not differ greatly in policy - Vote shares rather than seat shares – seat shares can exaggerate regional differences i.e. when number is high (difference between vote share and seat share), support for the party is more/increasingly different across provinces - Critical Elections: 1917, tripling of magnitude of regional differentiation in the party system – this explosion of RD resulted in real differentiation/variation across provinces that has lasted to the present (and still continuing) o 1917 the „conscription crisis‟: divided French and English Canada o Liberals dominant in QC to 1984: key elections shape partisan divisions that persist 2 - 1917: main parties Conservative and Liberal, therefore there is not only RD in regional parties i.e. Social Credit/BQ later on, but also in these so-called “catch all” parties - Governments have often been delivered by regionalized party support (yet policy differences remain minimal?) - Economic factors: varying economic (sectoral) bases of regions lead to different preferences over economic policy i.e. Industrial central Canada vs. coastal and prairie regions/sectors - ‘The classic case’: the 1921 election and the Progressive Party of Canada, in many ways an agrarian party with the economic interests of farmers first and foremost o Opposition to tariff on agricultural implements that made imported goods more expensive, and benefitted the manufacturing areas of the country o Additionally, demand for wheat had collapsed after WWI, difficult times for farmers o Although Progressives dissipated over time – resulted in an increase in RD - Cultural differences: enduring differences in values and attitudes across the country, thought to be a reflection of historical patterns in immigration – variation in values and attitudes reflect those of the European immigrant populations that initially settled the regions - i.e. “liberal” tradition in Ontario reflecting settlement of former British subjects, while French speaking Canada reflects clerical roots, revolutionary tradition o Western Canada influenced by radicalized American organizations - How do these patterns add up today? Such inheritances ebb and flow, diminish… i.e. Quebec actually more liberal than history would have predicted - Institutional factors: Alan Cairns reading; RD mainly an expression in Canadian federalism, placing the province in an important/central position o Regionalism in the electoral system – FPTP exacerbates regionalized political differences, creating incentives for regionally-based parties and appeals Week 3: Quebec Nationalism I&II - Trudeau vs. Taylor: opposites, define/represent the two ends of the spectrum in Canada - Trudeau: Federalism, Nationalism, and Reason (ER 4/19) o Key Conclusion: federalism must be based on reason rather than on nationalism o Because federalism must compete with sub-national emotional appeals – can‟t win o Civic nationalism vs. emotive nationalism o Canada‟s national unity problem – Canada has historically tended away from rational consensus, away from the rationality of the BNA Act 1867 (praised for its lack of emotional appeal i.e. compared to American Declaration of Independence o Critical for Trudeau is that certain events have produced/fostered a more American-like nationalism i.e. the World Wars o “Nationhood” a mere “state of mind” – that may or may not be rooted in nationalism - Trudeau: Quebec and the Constitutional Problem o Quebecois nationalism as an ideologically backward and bourgeois project o The original federal compact as the best possible constitutional arrangement o Proposed modifications: Bill of Rights, expansion of bilingualism into federal service o Rejects arguments for special status - Charles Taylor: Shared and Divergent Values (ER 5/19) o A normative argument for the recognition of national minorities, i.e. Quebecois o Humans require an identity to define a “horizon of meaning” for themselves to become “full human subjects” o The identity must result from identification with a “realized/expressed” community – i.e. need reference points to “answer… those questions of ultimate significance” o i.e. the framework of language, healthy/rich culture provides horizon of meaning Quebec Nationalism II: The psychology of Support for Sovereignty - Mendelsohn, Rational Choice & Socio-Psychological Explanation for Opinion on QC Sovereignty (CJPS Article) - Two key (and offsetting forces underlie support for sovereignty) o Perceptions of the recognition and respect that Quebec does (or does not) enjoy within Canadian federalism (+) 3 o Perceptions of the medium-term economic consequences of separation (-)  Economic conditions uncertain now, therefore bad time for sovereignty - Both kinds of perceptions are dynamic i.e. they change over time in response to events - Note that now/in present day, language insecurity has minimal impact i.e. federalism is no longer seen as more of a threat to the French language than sovereignty itself! - Does not mean, however, that QC nationalism/sovereignty is no longer a salient issue? o Across federal/provincial relations, QC sovereignty, unity, not among the most important issues according to voters - Matthews: that said, shouldn‟t be dismissed – according to graph, more people in QC are discussing sovereignty than taxation; also add in related issues i.e. fiscal balance/fairness o Graph: how many Quebecers think more should be done? 70% think more should be done, very different than the rest of Canada‟s view Textbook Ch. 12 - QC nationalism originally a system of defence/survival – garrison mentality/minority status - The Quiet Revolution and its legacy o 1960 election of Jean Lesage‟s provincial Liberal government opened way for political reforms and social changes – modernization and secularization o Increased role for the QC state – seen as primary defender of Quebecois rights o QC take control of its own economy, from the dominant English-speakers in QC o Split between federalists (Trudeau) and those who advocated specials status, or independence (Levesque) – Ideological division i.e. liberalism vs. more left-wing o Unilingual approach in Quebec, bilingual approach by Ottawa (under Trudeau) Week 4: Aboriginal Peoples: Sociology and Politics - Just under 1 in 20 Canadians (2006) as identify as Aboriginals – around 1 million ppl, 4% - Aboriginals younger on average than other Canadians (48% less than 24 years old) o Even more exaggerated figure among Inuit - On Census, Canadians are asked to self-identify; to what extent does the degree to which people want to identify as Aboriginal influence the census? o Could this play into population growth rate (which is much higher than non-Aboriginal) - Highly regionalized distribution of Aboriginal peoples: First Nations, Métis, Inuit - 60% off-reserve, 76% in Urban areas A conflict in principle, not in fact? - Political translation: the process whereby latent, objective political conflicts – over resources (material and social) or over principles and symbols – are transformed into actually existing, subjective political conflicts i.e. where does principle become fact o Experience of Aboriginals in Canada has been deeply conflictual, yet Aboriginal claims have not figured very prominently in our contemporary politics? i.e. 1867-1960 in all party platforms, just two mentions of Aboriginal peoples (A history of conflict: overt assimilation, domination, political repression, exclusion from politics) Aboriginal Peoples II - Aboriginal claims mostly invisible in political history i.e. in political parties - Irony: these claims would be regarded by most people as unusually strong morally Why have claims not figured prominently? - Politically unpopular amongst majority of Canadians - What factors are internal to Aboriginal people? i.e. may even constrain the mobilization of Aboriginal peoples - Diverging visions of “reconciliation”  Citizens Plus, nation-to-nation Constraints on Mobilization - More recent period of mobilization the result of lowered cost of mobilization and enhancement of resources available to Aboriginal peoples (vs. scare resources) - Cultural differences and geographic separation create coordination challenges - Political repression: de facto and de jure constraints i.e. police harassment, formal repression in law i.e. earlier versions of the Indian Act Beginnings/Opportunities for Mobilization 4 - Formation of the National Indian Brotherhood with federal support - 1951 amendments to the Indian act, US Civil Rights movement - 1966 Hawthorn Report, 1969 White Paper - The “constitutional odyssey” and Section 35 Hawthorn Report, 1966: examined the situation of Aboriginals in Canada - Shocked Canadians who were warming up to civil rights movements at the time - Particular vision articulated: Citizens Plus – rights as Canadians and additional, distinct rights flowing from the Indian Act and the Canadian state (ER 6&7) White Paper: eliminate differentiating aspects of Aboriginals – INTEGRATIONIST - The way to treat Aboriginals is as regular Canadians, lacking unique rights Citizens Plus: dominant view nowadays, view of the Hawthorn Report, Alan Cairns - Both togetherness and separateness must be institutionalized Nation-to-nation: advocated by Assembly of First Nations, RCAP 1991-96 (ER 8/19) - Both European settlers and Aboriginals are each nations, and deserve recognition as such, and should relate to each other in a way befitting this status - Entitled to the provisions, etc. associated with nationhood - Oldest view? i.e. mutual cooperation and benefit of early years o Existing treaties honoured o Aboriginals have inherent right to self-government, self-definition, and control of their lands – fundamental aspects of nationhood ER Notes: Fractious Politics of a Settler Society (ER 9/19) - Implications of Canada‟s development as a “white settler society” – effects on autonomy of Aboriginals, racial minorities, women - Current Canadian politics – how settler societies assumed racial/ethnic hierarchies eventually came undone i.e. Struggles of women, QC sovereignty, Aboriginals, have severely undermined the assumptions about race and gender of the British settler model/pattern of colonization - i.e. during the 1960s, Quebec set about building a virtual state within the Canadian state, based on the considerable powers permitted to provincial governments by Canadian federalism - First Nations aspirations “delegitimize” the very foundations upon which QC has built its claims within the Canadian federation for special status i.e. notion of two founding nations - Whereas QC sees itself as oppressed by English Canada, Aboriginals have been by both ER: Putting Multiculturalism into Perspective, Kymlicka (ER 10/19) - The immigrant response to nation building? Why have immigrants historically accepted integration i.e. the expectation that they will learn a new language, etc. o Voluntarily left their homes with the expectation of integration o Typically lack geographic concentration needed to organize a distinct society  In this respect, immigrants differ from national minorities, for whom national building threatens a culturally distinct society that has existed for generations - Does multiculturalism repudiate the principles of integration, and instead treat immigrant groups in the same way as national minorities? Kymlicka: NO o Programs under multiculturalism do not involve nation building i.e. the building of Chinese universities in Canada o Multicultural policies have not created the public institutions needed to create and sustain a separate societal culture for any immigrant group o Rather, immigrant groups must work within the pre-existing institutional framework to gain access to the same opportunities, etc. as other Canadians ER: Bouchard-Taylor Report on Accommodation Practices in Quebec (ER 11/19) Sources of Accommodation Crisis: - 1. Crisis of perception: negative perception of reasonable accommodation; discrepancy between fact and public opinion in Quebec – leading to exaggerated dissatisfaction with QC‟s place in Canada - 2. Anxiety over identity: counter-reactionary movement that has expressed itself through the rejection of harmonized practices i.e. immigrants in some cases become scapegoats, as the ethnocultural majority is afraid of being swamped by various/scattered minorities that are also worried about their future and seek accommodation in Quebec itself 5 o Francophones are not at ease with their twofold status as majority in Québec and minority in the rest of Canada - 3. Societal norms (or lack thereof) o Absence of guidelines to handle need for accommodation; QC has adopted an array of norms/guidelines that form the “common public culture” to alleviate problem - Citizen (favoured) vs. legal route for acquiring accommodation/adjustment - Need to create cohesion in society, common orientations, needed to create feeling of solidarity required for an egalitarian society to function smoothly - Inter-culturalism seeks to reconcile ethnocultural diversity within the continuity of the French speaking core – as well as preserve/in keeping with the liberal tradition - Open-secularism: moral equality of persons, freedom of conscious and religion, separation of church and state, state neutrality in regard to religion – a harmonization practice WEEK 5-6: Ethno-racial Diversity and Multiculturalism/Social Class - Race Defined: social construction, not biological reality, structures real social processes like racism/racial discrimination; racial categories fluctuate over time through process radicalization - Ethnicity Defined: Typically rooted in a shared history, language, religion and culture (the primordialist view) o Also actively constructed by political and social elites (the constructivist view) o Linked to conceptions of nation, the “imagined community” o A social identity and a “sense of common origin” Ethno-racial Diversity in Canada - Canada has become more diverse, particularly, it has become much less European o 1946: 80% immigrant pop. European; 2000, more than 80% not European - High concentrations of visible „minorities‟ in cities i.e. Toronto, Vancouver - Representation: the degree to which government composition reflects the real Canadian pop. o Lower among visible minorities o Turnout gap is between 5-10 percentage points since 1988 o Parliamentary representation still lags behind population share; worse for women The Civic Voluntarism Model (Verba, Brady, Schlozman: Voice and Equality) Three Key variables: - 1. Motivation i.e. interest, emotional commitment, duty, habit o Ethno-racial minorities have differences in interest, duty, and levels of social and political trust – however explains little, and then mainly among immigrants (i.e. not Canadian born immigrants) because even when these factors are taken into account, a gap in participation between visible minorities and others remains - 2. Resources i.e. knowledge, time, money o Here again, participation gaps remain even after socio-economic inequalities are taken account, therefore suggesting that recruitment is the key factor - 3. Recruitment i.e. social networks, access o It could be that visible minority Canadians are not involved in the types of social networks that tend to facilitate involvement in politics (however… gap remains to an extent?) Lecture 10: Social Class and Canadian Political Behaviour Marxian Theories of Class - Emphasize the relationship to the means of production o Bourgeoisie owns the means of the production, the proletariat sells its labour o The Labour Theory of Value  The source of value is in the workers‟ activity  Therefore the only just arrangement is non-exploitative – remuneration at the same level that value is added to the materials – not the case in capitalism o Marxian theories ultimately rest on normative premises about the nature of the relationship between capitalists and wage-earners Non-Marxian Approaches 6 - The underlying focus is on variables that affect or constitute an individual‟s life chances (conventional view), as life chances structure political interests i.e. the desirability of certain welfare programs - Advantage: takes a better account of conditions of modern industrialism i.e. Marx‟s theory doesn‟t have a place for public employment, doesn‟t allow us to see all variation Mobilizing Social Classes - There has been no Marxist revolution where Marx predicted i.e. Britain, Germany o Capitalism has avoided this conflict because… - Objective class interests are not automatically realized subjectively - Marxists term awareness of class interest class consciousness - The political mobilization of class consciousness is class formation – class is formed as it begins to organize - Class consciousness can emerge from: o Patterns of socialization at home and in the workplace o Mobilization activities of class elites i.e. union leaders, partisan activists Class Politics in Canada - Canada has been described as a case of “pure non-class politics” o Alford Index: % manual workers voting for left parties - % non-manual workers voting for left parties; in the 1960s, Canada was near the bottom on the index - Socio-economy variables in Canada tend to have weak effects on the vote and attitudes, although there is some variation over time and across issues/issue-areas - i.e. Union membership is more discriminating than income (but this may be a function of group socialization, rather than class as such) - All classes reject systematic, class-analytic interpretations of social and economic outcomes Gender (The „newest‟ cleavage) - Women‟s representation in Parliament following 2011 election: 24.8% - Gender gaps: differences between men and women on political attitudes and behaviour - “The fault line of maximum potential cleavage” (Jennings) because groups of men and women are so large, that even small differences between them produce larger disagreement than i.e. religious or regional disagreement Women “to the left” - Men and women, on average, are in agreement - Seems that women are slightly more inclined to vote left i.e. women are usually a little more supportive of „leftist‟ statements (i.e. same sex marriage) – the historical picture of women as conservative keepers of the home and moral values is fading Gender Socialization Thesis - Men and women think and act differently because boys and girls are raised differently o Girls socialized into „caring‟ roles, boys into more independent roles, justice… - Fundamental value differences produce political differences i.e. “economic man, social woman” - As men are less likely to be found in caretaking roles, central to their concerns are individual rights in contrast to responsibility as an ethical concern for women o Definition of the self that is inward (women) vs. outward (men) looking o Women more collectivist, men focused more on individual competition o Critiques: some empirical problems regarding specific questions, the “regressive” critique, which reinforces stereotypes, and “essentialist” – immovable/essential characteristics exist in women and men Material Interests Thesis - Political differences between men and women reflect differing life-chances - Focus on women as welfare state consumers and producers (i.e. of welfare state goods) - Key source of difference is occupational; i.e. “pink collar” work, nursing, teaching – generally paid less, less secure employment, while men more likely to work in professional manufacturing o Women dominate the public sector/civil service o Critiques of this thesis are mainly empirical i.e. difficult collecting accurate data that is reflective of real differences Feminist Group Consciousness 7 - Feminist activism has encouraged women to identify with the interests of other women (feminists have actually been the source of some difference, emerging in the 1960s-70s) - Not individual self-interest so much as group interest o “The personal is political” o Accounts for women‟s support of measures not connected to self-interest - Large gender gaps remain even after self-interest is taken into account, reflecting gender socialization or feminist consciousness-raising WEEK 7: The Two Faces of Political Culture - Substance: the focus is on outcomes: the “what” of politics - Procedure: the focus on process: the “how” of politics - Proceduralist: the aggregate of individuals‟ general orientations to the political system and its specific components (Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture) o Democracies function differently based on procedural political culture o Emphasis on citizens as both subjects and participants of the system o Focus on the mass level, i.e. not political elites - Substantive: the “sum total of the politically relevant values, beliefs, attitudes, and orientations in society” (Dyck, Lipset) o Lipset: a broad, substantive approach; value differences between Canada and the US i.e. Canadians are relatively more deferential – helps to explain our welfare state o “Attitudes”: stable evaluative orientations that motivate and explain differences in action – a psychological approach to politics Components of the two Political Cultures: Procedural: - Political Trust: confidence in the integrity and competence of institutions and officials in general (i.e. not specific politicians, but the overarching attitude towards the whole system) - Political efficacy o Internal: beliefs concerning one‟s own capacity to understand politics and act accordingly i.e. whether or not you perceive yourself as having ability to meaningfully influence gov. o External: beliefs concerning the responsiveness of government to one‟s actions - D
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