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FAH230H1
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The Artistic Landscape of East Asia: Aesthetics Lecture #9, March 11, 2013. Slide #1 – Title Slide #2 L: attributed to Anige (1245-1306), Mahakala, Lord of the Tent, pre-1279. R: Maps of Mongol conquered lands Any idea how this image relates to the idea of Conquest? Jin conquest of the Northern territory of the Song state was the first –and lesser -- of 2 conquests to reshape the artistic landscape of East Asia. In the 1260s, the Mongols set their sites on China, and began consolidating power to the North of the Great Wall. As the Mongols began also to consolidate power in Inner Asia, they came into contact with the Buddhist monk and artisan Anige, a native of modern day Nepal. Circa 1270, Anige worked on a temple under imperial patronage; in 1273, Anige became supervisor-in-chief of all classes of artisans. Under his direction a department in charge of artisans was established in 1275. During Khubilai's rule, this was one of the two most important artistic institutions of the dynasty. As director of this grade 3a bureau, Anige supervised thousands of artisans and was responsible for religious images, imperial portraits, and other court projects (see fig. i). The Mongol imperium utilized Anige's ability to make in 1274, when Khubilai Khan intensified his final attack on the Southern Song. To call upon divine force to assist the Khan's army, 'Phags-pa asked Anige to build a temple for Mahakala, a terrifying Tibetan tantric deity who was recognized as the guardian of the Mongols. Anige made the statues of Mahakala and his divine entourage and situated them facing the Southern Song territory. The Imperial Preceptor ordered Dam-pa (1230-1303), a Sa-skya monk known for his magic powers and a cultist of Mahakala, to consecrate the statue, and 'Phags-pa himself blessed it, granting it special powers. The Mongol army soon swarmed across South China, and the Southern Song capital Lin'an surrendered without a fight. Some sources indicate that the mongol army carried images of mahakala onto the battlefield to assure their victory. Artifact was thus deplyed as a tool of conquest! Slide #3 L: Maps of Mongol conquered lands Lower L: Modern Vietnamese print of the attempted Mongol invasion of Vietnam Lower R: Modern Vietnamese print of the attempted Mongol invasion of Vietnam Jennifer Purtle Page 1 2/7/2014 On two separate occaision, the Yuan-Mongol armies attempted to conquer Vietnam, but were defeated –historical events that are the stuff of legends and their pictorialization, here represented in modern prints. Trần Hưng Đạo (陳陳陳) (c.1228-1300) was the Vietnamese Grand Commander-in-Chief during the Tran Dynasty. Born as Trần Quốc Tuấn (陳陳陳), he commanded the Đại Việt (Dai Viet) armies that repelled two Mongol invasions in 13th century and became a national hero. His multiple victories over the mighty Yuan Dynasty (Mongol) under Kublai Khan at the height of his power is considered one of the greatest military commander in world history. In 1285, Kublai Khan demanded passage through the kingdom of Dai Viet (in northern Vietnam) for his Yuan army on their invasion of the kingdom of Champa. When Dai Viet's king Tran Nhan Tong refused, the Mongol army, led by prince Toghan, attacked Dai Viet and seized the capital Thăng Long. Tran Hung Dao and other generals managed to protect the Royal Court, staying just ahead of the Mongol army in hot pursuit. When the Mongol army had been worn down with tropical diseases, Tran Hung Dao launched a counter-offensive. Most of the battles were on the waterfronts, where the Mongols could not use their cavalry strength. Mongol commander Sogetu of the southern front was killed in an ambush. In their withdrawal from Dai Viet, the Mongols were also attacked by the Hmong and Yao minorities in the northern regions. In 1287, Kublai Khan again sent prince Toghan to lead another army into Dai Viet. This time, the Mongol supply fleet was ambushed and captured. Prince Toghan had to withdraw his army and fell into a trap set by Tran Hung Dao on Bach Dang rivermouth. The entire Mongol fleet was destroyed. Prince Toghan escaped, but his fleet commander, Omar, was captured. Slide #4 L: Maps of Mongol conquered lands Lower R: Anonymous, Moko shurai ekotoba (Tale of the Mongol Invasions), dated 1293. Tells the tale of Takezaki Suenaga, a vassal (gokenin or houseman), who participated in the defense of Japan against the attempted Mongol invasions of 1274 and 1281. Suenaga not only recorded his expereiences, but employed skilled artists to illustrate his narrative. Adachi Yasumori, the bakufu or shigunate official who granted Takezaki Suenaga reward. (I have elsewhere argued that the scroll documents – and perhaps makes claims for compensation due Takezaki – compensation that legal documents show was sought by numerous participants in the anto-Mongol battles, but which mostly was not forthcoming. Slide #5 Jennifer Purtle Page 2 2/7/2014 L: Maps of Mongol conquered lands Lower R: Anonymous, Moko shurai ekotoba (Tale of the Mongol Invasions), dated 1293. Slide #6 C: Maps of Mongol Experiments with Urban Planning Left is Kharakorum, before 1254: William of Rubruck, envoy to the Mongols from King Louis of France, writes: “There are two quarters in it; one of the Saracens in which are the markets. And where a great many Tartars gather on account of the court, which is always near this city. On account of the great number of ambassadors. The other is the quarter of the Cathayans – that is, the Chinese – all of whom are artisans. Besides the quarters are great palaces, which are for the secretaries of the court. There atre twelve idol temples of differenmt nations, two mosques, from which is proclaimed the Law of Mohammed, and one church of Cjristians in the extreme end of the city. The city is surrounded by a mud wall and has four gates. At the eastern in sold millet and other kinds of grain, which howeverm is rarely bought there; at the western one, sheep and goats are sold, at the southern one, oxen and carts are sold, ar rtghe northern one, horses are sold.” (Steinhardt, 149). Center is Shangdu (lit. “Upper Capital”), after 1256 to 1370. Visited by Marco Polo, who writes that within the wall he found not only parks and gardens, but also a kind fo poratble palace –a tent city that might be moved in keeping with Mongol custom. Right Dadu, from 1267 Marco Polo notes that the city, laid out in accordance with traditional Chinese ideas of urban planning, “Is laid out by square, as a chessboard is...” (Steinhardt, 155). Slide #7 L: Maps of Mongol conquered lands Lower L: Gateway of Juyong guan, Pass of the Great Wall of China Lower R: Ten-storey stone pagoda from Kyongchon Temple, with Mongol Lamaist Buddhist decoration, late 13 century (after the Mongo defeat of Korea). A rare piece of ancient architecture atJuyongguan, indeed one of the rarest inChina, is the Yuntai, the remaining marblefoundation of a tower built in the Yuandynasty that stands astride the road acrossthe circular wall. Archaeologists have discovered evidence that it Jennifer Purtle Page 3 2/7/2014 was once the base ofthree Buddhist pagodas. Built entirely ofstone, the Yuntai is 26.84 metres long by17.57 metres wide at the base, and 20.04metres by 14.73 metres at the top. It has ancentral archway for traffic to pass through.The archway's top is hemihexagonal, adesign very rare in Chinese architecture.Both the outside walls and the walls of thearchway are relief-carved with religious figures such as heavenly gods, golden crows,dragons and clouds. On the archway's wallsare carved 2,000images of Buddha, and oneeach of the four heavenly kings: the Eastern King of Maintenance, the Southern King of Growth, the Western King of Vision and the Northern King of Hearing. All in bold relief, the figures are muscular and powerful, and the entire piece has an air about it that is distinctly different from the traditional style of Han art. It is a masterpiece ofYuan dynasty sculpture. Still more valuable are the Buddhistsutras and scriptures cut into the walls of the archway in such languages as Hindi, Tibetan, Phags-pa, Uigur, Chinese and Western Xia. Researchers have concluded thatthe content of all the versions is identical, sothe carved texts furnish valuable help forresearchers in the study and translation ofthe early languages of the various nationalities of China. Garuda = guardian figure Slide #8 L: Shakyamuni Preaching, from the Jisha Tripitaka, early 14 cent.Mongol era printed sutra Lower R: Ten-storey stone pagoda from Kythgchon Temple, with Mongol Lamaist Buddhist decoration, late 13 century. After the Mongol Conquest of China in 1276-1279, the Mongols subsidized the production of a set of Chinese sutras, at the Jisha Monastery, near Hangzhou in Southern China. These images had a strongly Tibetan flavor – they do not look like a printed version of a Chinese Buddhist painting of the period, for example. As prints, such images – which may also have been reproduced in single sheets, had the power to move far more widely than actual statues, thus furthering the dissemination of Tibetan style Buddhist images under Mongol rule. Slide #9 L: Maps of Mongol conquered lands R: Plan of Quanzhou Conquest and cosmopolitanism as a tool of conquest Slide #10 L: Plan of Quanzhou R: Box from Dehua Aesthetic systems Slide #11 L: Plan of Quanzhou Jennifer Purtle Page 4 2/7/2014 R: Hindu relief Through maritime trade, a large, expatriate Tamil population from the areas near the Southeastern Indian port cities of Mamallapuram and Nagapattinam, near modern Madras, resided in Quanzhou. At least one temple, known in the vernacular as Fanfo si, or “Foreign Buddha Temple,” and located in the Southern part of the city, was patronized by this community. Greater freedom for, and material expansion of foreign religions under Mongol rule is documented by Hindu temple patronage. A stele that records the 1281 dedication of a Sivaite temple by a resident Tamil merchant states: “Obeisance to Hara! Let there be prosperity! In April of 1281 this believer, in accordance with the written permission of Khubilai Khan caused this image of Siva to be graciously installed for the welfare of the illustrious body of the illustrious Khubilai Khan.” This inscription provides evidence not only for the patronage of a Hindu temple dedicated to Siva in Quanzhou, but reveals that its patron was a local Tamil merchant, and that the patronage was effected with the express, written permission of Khubilai Khan. Significantly, this Sivaite temple was dedicated within two months of the second dispatch of a Yuan envoy, Yang Tingbi (fl. 1280), from Quanzhou to Southern India to cultivate, under Mongol auspices, Sino-Indian trade, and of Quanzhou’s pivotal role in ii this enterprise. Similarly, the Malabar King dispatched two missions to Quanzhou, which may have included the dispatch of artisans, as it was common for Indian trading ventures to send artisans with their cargoes. iii Slide #12 L: Plan of Quanzhou R: Sheng you si Mosque Sound of Quanzhou: acoustic and temporall aesthetics and daily life. The Arab traveler Ibn Batûta, who reached Quanzhou in 1346, described this Muslim community, saying: “…I was…visited in this house by the Mohammedan judge, the Sheik El Islam, and a great number of the Mohammedan merchants, who treated me with great respect, and made a feast for me. These merchants are, on account of their residing in an infidel country, extremely glad whenever a Mohammedan comes among them. On such occasions they give alms of their wealth, so that he returns rich like themselves.” Ibn Batûta’s account speaks to the cohesiveness and wealth of the Muslim community, further documented by its material and visual remains, for example the ruins of a Quanzhou mosque, at right. Ibn Batûta notes, however, that Quanzhou was in Muslim perceptions part of an infidel country, at the height of the Yuan, Islam was well- integrated into the fabric of the city, for example, in the flourishing of at least six mosques, sited along two of its three perimeters. First, a Yuan dynasty mosque whose name and location are known only through a Koranic inscription preserved in Quanzhou’s Shengyou si, was located in the Southern portion of the city, Second, a now nameless Mosque was located outside the East Gate of Jennifer Purtle Page 5 2/7/2014 the City at Dongtou xiang, and was rebuilt circa 1322. Third, a Yuan dynasty Mosque, The Mohammadan temple, Muhanmode si, was located near the South Gate of the city. Fourth, the Temple of the Yemenite, or Southern, Religion, Yemenjiao si, was built during the Song dynasty, and was located outside the Tumen gate, at Jintou fang. Fifth, the Qingjing si of the Southern Song dynasty, located at the South Gate of the city, was built in 1131, and rebuilt in 1350. Sixth, the Northern Song dynasty Shengyou si was first built in 1009, and was rebuilt in 1310-1311. Shengyou si is the only Quanzhou Mosque whose exact location is known, as its ruins, shown at right, still stand. The location of the Shengyou si was an important one within the walled city, in the street that led to the Tonghuai gate, proximate to the Prefectural School, the Confucian temple, the Temple of Mazu Fujian’s indigenous Protectress of Seafarers, and the Maritime Trade Superintendency. Although said to be modeled on a Mosque in Damascus, Ibn Mohammad al-Quds, a merchant from Shiraz, in Persia, sponsored the 1310-1311 rebuilding of the Shengyou si in Quanzhou. As a result, the Shengyou si of Quanzhou, at right, is built in stone as was common in the Near East, especially for Il-Khanid –that is Persia under Mongol rule--or Mosques, for example, the fourteenth century Masjid-I-Jami Mosque in Ashtarjan, Iran, built in 1315-1316, at left. Slide #13 L: Masjid-i-Jami, Isfahan, Iran, built circa 1340-1390 R: Sheng you si Mosque Roof structure Slide #14 L: Syriac tombstone R: Uninscribed tombstone Translation, translingual practice Slide #15 L: Tombstone of Andrew of Perugia R: detail John of Monte Corvino, who served in Quanzhou at the turn of the fourteenth century, describes his commission of such images, saying: “I have now had six pictures made, illustrating the Old and New Testaments for the instruction of the ignorant, and the explanations are engraved in Latin, Chinese, and Persian characters, that all may be able to read them in one tongue or another.” The only in situ documentation of the Church’s presence is the tombstone of Andrew of Perugia, third bishop of Quanzhou, unearthed in 1955. The badly damaged Jennifer Purtle Page 6 2/7/2014 Latin inscription, at right, reads: “Here buried…is Andrew of Perguia… Of the Order… Apostle… M…XII (1332).” Based on the number of recovered monuments, the production of Christian tombstones in Yuan Quanzhou was a thriving industry circumscribed by the intersection of foreign religion and local visual production. Slide #16 C: Uninscribed Lingzhi fungus tombstone Slide #17 L: Plan of Quanzhou R: Qian Xuejie, Eagle on a Juniper Branch, undated. Master [Qian] Xuejie painted the yellow hawk (Xuejie weng hua huang ying); [Zhang] Shikui [that is, Zhang Shunzi] painted the old juniper. Mr. [X --character missing] of Tongcheng [that is, Quanzhou] loved this painting, and so I gave it to him. iv From the Five Dynasties and Song period, paintings of birds of prey were understood to evoke the idea of attack orthombat. In its entry on the Five Dynasties painter Guo Qianyou (fl. 10 cent.), the Xuanhe Era Catalogue of Painting, for example, makes clear the martial associations of painting of birds of prey. It states, “Should [he] paint eagles and falcons, and supposing viat people see them, then they would have the idea of combat.” Whereas Song images of birds of prey may have recalled Zhao Kuangyin’s military consolidation of the ethnic Chinese Song state, during the Yuan dynasty, such images may have evoked the martial culture of Mongol Conquest and rule. vii Similarly, the Chinese literatus and Sino-Mongol official Zhang Yining (1301- 1370), a native of Gutian county active in Quanzhou, constructs Qian as a figurehead of Sino-Mongol rule, who used established conventions of Chinese-style poetry to declaim, publicly, a poetic –if not romantic-- vision of the military exploits that shaped the viii period. In the Preface (Chn) to his literary anthology Eng (Tonghua xingao), Zhang writes, [On] Holidays (jiari), [people] hastily gathered in the Southwest corner [within the] city [walls of Quanzhou, at] Qingguo si. Officials serving (yougong) [in Quanzhou], travelling scholars (youshi), outstanding transcendents (junyi) all collected [there]. Those famous among monks, moreover [also] participated in these [gatherings]… … I did not understand [that] military affairs (jin’ge shi) were able to [take] sound in poetry. [These military tales] took up self-promotion, [and were] neither self-effacing, [nor self]-deprecating. Moreover, [they were] Jennifer Purtle Page 7 2/7/2014 like [this] type of [poetry of] old! [They are the] sound of [those who] rule the world! These [tales are] suitably heard in [this] world. Thereupon [these poems] were refined, [and] were anthologized, beginning with Commandant (hou) Qian Xuejie’s rhymes to the yuefu poems of ninety- eight authors… ix In this passage, Zhang makes four significant points. Firstly, Zhang firstly identifies Qian Xuejie as a poet and participant in the poetry fairs at the Qingguo si. Secondly, Zhang suggests a dominantly Chinese audience for Qian’s poetry—composed of officials, scholars, and Daoists. Thirdly, Zhang notes that Qian’s poems told of military exploits. Fourthly, Zhang indicates that Qian used the yuefu genre for his poetry, thus indicating that Qian declaimed his poetry in Chinese. x As an ethnic Chinese literatus in service to the Sino-Mongol state, Zhang Yining constructs Qian’s visibility as poet and cultural figure in ways that negotiate the ambiguous cultural and linguistic spaces created by Sino-Mongol rule. By emphasing Qian’s sustained engagement with yuefu, in this passage and in others, Zhang fashions Qian as a Sinophone poet in a genre once influenced by the military marches of Central Asia, and with a tradition of narrating swaggering tales of martial prowess. In discussing the way that Qian recounts military exploits in poetry, Zhang underscores that those exploits are contemporary, topical; yet, Zhang also places them within an historical framework of Sinophone poetry, making Qian’s work part of an indigenous Chinese literary tradition, and less an anomaly of alien rule. By describing the social composition of the audience for Qian’s poetry, Zhang indicates that these martial chants had signficant xii audiences literate in literary Chinese. Most significantly, however, Zhang locates Qian at the Qingguo si: more than a place for regular poetry fairs, this Buddhist temple was located on the site of the former Song Imperial Clan Residence (Muzongyuan) in Quanzhou. xiii The Sino-Mongol state assigned Qian Xuejie to Quanzhou to suppress revolt within the locality. In the person of Qian – painter and poet, perhaps part Mongol, and scion of the Song imperial family – it deployed, perhaps inadvertently, a man uniquely qualified to proclaim the new martial order of Sino-Mongol China from the old seat of the Song imperial family in Quanzhou, and to propagate that order in Chinese style painting. In other localities, such as Fuzhou, Chinese-style painting and poetry served as a medium for cultural resistance to alien rule, and for envisioning ethnic Chinese community outside the parameters of the Sino-Mongol state. In Quanzhou, Chinese literati in the service of the Yuan state remade Chinese style painting and poetry to envision communities formed from the intersection of Chinese and Mongolian cultural habits. Slide #18 L: Anige, Mahakala R: Qian Xuejie (fl. ca. 1350), Eagle on a Juniper Branch, undated. Both implements of Conquest, but speaking different languages Slide #19 Jennifer Purtle Page 8 2/7/2014 C: Zheng Sixiao (1241-1318), The Fragrance of the State, undated. Abnegation and resistance Aesthetic sensibility Coded language almost impossible to decipher if one doesn’t know the codes, codes as defining aesthetic sensibility; diffilcult for non-native speaker of Chinese to learn Poem reads: “He was the fragrance of the state. His death was a great loss to it. His loyalty to King Huai never wavered; He was the glory of Chu.” Writes Zheng Yuanyou, Beginning with the loss of the Song, the Master (xiansheng, that is, Zheng Sixiao) would have nothing to do with Northerners (Beiren). Sometimes [when Zheng Sixiao was] with sitting with friends, men --the sounds of whose language was different-- would appear, and [Zheng] was immediately drawn to get up [and leave].” xiv What are aesthetics? OED: A. adj. 1. Of or pertaining to sensuous perception, received by the senses. Obs. 1798 W. TAYLOR in Monthly Rev. XXV. 585 In the dialect peculiar to Professor Kant..his receptivity for aesthetic gratification [is] not delicate. 2. Of or pertaining to the appreciation or criticism of the beautiful. 1821 COLERIDGE in Blackw. Mag. X. 254, I wish I could find a more familiar word than æsthetic, for works of taste and criticism. 1831 CARLYLE Sart. Res. (1858) 77 In answer to a cry for solid pudding..comes, epigrammatically enough, the invitation to a wash of quite fluid Æsthetic Tea! 1855 BAIN Senses & Intell. III. iv. §27 (1864) 622 The first object of an artist is to gratify the feelings of taste, or the proper æsthetic emotions. 1872 H. SPENCER Psychol. (ed. 2) II. §533 The æsthetic sentiments originate from the play-impulse. Ibid. §535 The æsthetic character of a feeling is habitually associated with separateness from life-serving function. 3. Of persons, animals: Having or showing an appreciation of the beautiful or pleasing; tasteful, of refined taste. Of things: In accordance with the principles of good taste (or what is conventionally regarded as such). 1871 DARWIN Desc. Man II. xiii. 39 Birds appear to be the most æsthetic of all animals, excepting of course, man, and they have nearly the same taste for the Jennifer Purtle Page 9 2/7/2014 beautiful as we have. 1875 FARRAR Silence & Voices III. 62 A corrupt Hellenism, which regards sin forsooth with æsthetic toleration. 1880 W. S. GILBERT Patience I. 24, I am a broken-hearted troubadour, Whose mind's æsthetic, and whose tastes are pure. Mod. Colloq. He must have æsthetic wall- paper and a dado. B. n. commonly pl. æsthetics, as collect. sing.: but also in sing., after Ger. æsthetik, Fr. esthétique. 1. The science which treats of the conditions of sensuous perception. Hist. 1798 WILLICH Elem. Crit. Philos. 139 Aesthetic commonly signifies the Critique of Taste, but with Kant, the science containing the rules of sensation. 1803 Edin. Rev. I. 253 (Villiers, Philos. of Kant) If the experimentalists of the Institute had abandoned their physics for..the study of transcendental æsthetics and all the refinements and abstractions of pure reason. 1825 CARLYLE Schiller III. 174 The only department [of transcendentalism] to which he attached himself with his ordinary zeal was that which relates to the principles of the imitative arts, with their moral influences, and which in the Kantean nomenclature has been designated by the term Æsthetics, or the doctrine of sentiments and emotions. 1875 Encycl. Brit. I. 212/1 Kant..under the title Transcendental Æsthetic, treats of the a priori principles of all sensuous knowledge. 2. The philosophy or theory of taste, or of the perception of the beautiful in nature and art. a. pl. 1833 Penny Cycl. I. 157/1 Most German writers, who have published systematic treatises on æsthetics, have followed the principles laid down by Baumgarten, Kant, or Schelling. 1862 SHIRLEY Nug. Crit. I. 82 John is a man of taste, and knows something of practical æsthetics. 1872 H. SPENCER Psychol. II. §536 To deal fully with the psychology of æsthetics is out of the question. b. sing. 1822 New Monthly Mag. IV. 149 He accordingly applied himself diligently to study the spirit of classical Tragedy, and the principles of Æsthetic. 1857 T. E. WEBB Intell. of Locke v. 84 The two propositions which constitute the Æsthetic of the Essay. 1864 Press 21 May 481 Certes, we English are behind hand in æsthetic. 1868 M. PATTISON Academ. Organ. §5. 196 Two professors of the science [of art] and æsthetic, dealing with Painting, Sculpture, etc. 3. = ÆSTHETE; an adherent of the æsthetic movement (see above A. 4). 1883 L. TROUBRIDGE Life amongst Troubridges (1966) 164 The great Oscar Wilde..is grown enormously fat,..not at all the aesthetic he used to look. 1894 Cosmopolitan XVII. 122 The æsthetics..who proclaim the infinite superiority of art to nature. 1946 English Studies XXVII. 49 It is not unsympathetic to the Aesthetics, for it seeks to understand them. 4. spec. Of or pertaining to a late nineteenth-century movement in England of artists and writers who advocated a doctrine of ‘art for art's sake’. 1868 W. PATER Æsthetic Poetry in Appreciations (1889) 213 The ‘æsthetic’ poetry is neither a mere reproduction of Greek or medieval poetry, nor only an idealisation of modern life and sentiment. a1882 D. G. ROSSETTI St. Agnes in Coll. Wks. (1886) I. 410 The journal of the worthy poet-critic..was much too æsthetic to permit itself many readers. 1882 W. HAMILTON Æsthetic Movement Jennifer Purtle Page 10 2/7/2014 31 The leaders of the Æsthetic School in poetry have been styled fleshly poets, delighting in somewhat sensually-suggestive descriptions of the passions. 1950 E. H. GOMBRICH Story of Art xxv. 402 Whistler became a leading figure in the so- called ‘aesthetic movement’ which tried to make out that artistic sensibility is the only thing in life worth taking seriously. How do aesthetics play into questions of conquest? Serve as resistance? Retreat? What is the language through which you approach this painting? Through which Chinese of the period may have approached this painting? Slide #20 L: Portrait of Khubilai Khan R: Portrait of Chabi. Both attributed to Anige, maker of Mahakala image. What is the aesthetic system that giverns these works? How is it similar to or different from that of Zheng Sixiao’s Orchid painting??? Slide #21 C: Zhao Mengfu, The Mind Landscape of Xie Youyu Zhao as scion of Song imperial family, and the uncle of Qian Xuejie, whose Eagle and Juniper we have just seen in the context of Quanzhou. The subject of the painting is identified in a 4 line, 7 character poem, written by the late Yuan dynasty painter Ni Zan (1301-1374): “This was Xie You yu, who should be portrayed among the Hills and Cliffs; But at the Gull-Wave Pavilion [Zhao Mengfu’s retreat], as the moon set, the window that opened to the night was empty. No one really understood the seemingly idiotic behavior of Hutou [Gu Kaizhi] Handling his brush in front of the ink pond, he used painitng to amuse himself.” (Images of the Mind, 241) Slide #22 C: Zhao Mengfu, Autumn Colors on the Qiao and Hua Mountains, 1296. ZMf serving as an official in northern China, reunified by the Mongols. Less than four months after returning, in January of 1296, he painted for his old friend Zhou Mi (1232- 1298), a famous connoisseur and collector of paintings this work. The painting presents conceptual vision of landsacpe between two mountains outside the city of Jinan, in modern Shandong province in northeastern China, where Zhou had recently served as vice-governor, and which was Zhou Mi’s ancestral home – a place he had never seen. Jennifer Purtle Page 11 2/7/2014 During his service in the North, Zhao had been able to see old paintings, and had begun to formulate theories of painting in ancient styles. In a text inscribed on a now lost painting of 1301, Zhao wrote: “A sense of antiquity is essential in painting. If there is no sense of antiquitry, then, although a painting might be skillful, it is without value. Contemporary painters, who know only how to use the brush in a meticulous manner and how to pply colors generously, think they are good artists. They do not know that if a sense of antiquity is lacking, all manner of shortcomings appear throughout a work, so how can it be appreciated? What I paint seems to be abbreviated and rough, but connoisserurs realize that it is close to the ancients, and so consider it beautiful.” (Possessing, 275) Slide #23 C: Zhao Mengfu, Autumn Colors on the Qiao and Hua Mountains, 1296. R: Dong Yuan, detail A key component of the archaistic style that Zhao introduces in Autumn Colors is the simple repertoire of ropy texture strokes abd foligae dots derived from the tenth century master Donbg Yuan (act. ca. 943-958). The principal appeal of Dong’s hemp-fiber texture strokes must have been their amorphous, linear quality, which lends itself to calligraphic interpretation readily. In fact, this represents a radical departure from the kind of highly-colored work on silk such as The Mind Landscape of Xie Youyu that Zhao was capable of painting. Slide #24 C: Zhao Mengfu, Autumn Colors on the Qiao and Hua Mountains, 1296. The unreal, non-representational quality of Autumn Colors would have been emphasized by Zhao’s prominent placement of his dedicatory inscription, to his friend Zhou Mi, on the picture plane between the two mountains. This inscription reads: “The venerable Gongjin [that is, Zhou Mi] is a man of Qi, or Shandong. After I had completed my service as vice governor of Qizhou in central Shandong, and returned home, I told him about the mountains and rivers of Qi. Among them, Mount Huabuju is the most famous, having been mentioned in Master Zuo’s Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals (which also contains the text about the Nine tripods). Its shape is lofty and precipitous, rising isolated in a most unusual way. So I painted this picture for him, setting Mount Qiao in the east. Which is why I call is Autumn Colors on the Qiao and Hua Mountains.” Significantly. Zhao Mengfu’s friend Zhou Mi was known by the nickname “recluse of Mount Hua,” so that Zhao’s painting not only visualized an unseen ancestral homeland for his friend, but also served as a kind of oblque portrait of that friend. Slide #25 Jennifer Purtle Page 12 2/7/2014 C: Guan Daosheng, Bamboo Groves in Mist and Rain, 1308. The earliest woman painter of China so esteemed by male critics they collected and preserved her works, Guan Daosheng became the example of the cultivated woman artist for subsequent generations of Chinese women artists. The writings of her husband, Zhao Mengfu revela the details of her life. Guan was so famous that the Emperor Renzong requested that she calligraph a Buddhist sutra for him, which he mounted together with that of her husband and son so that “future generations will know that in my reign there was a woman good at calligraphy and that moreoever her whole family was equally talented. How rare indeed!” Impressed with her talents, Renzong conferred an imperial title on Guan in 1317, Lady of the Wei Kingdom. Guan’s poetry and painting frequently engage the theme of bamboo. While this work bears an inscription for another aristocratic woman, the Lady of the Qu Kingdom, Guan Daosheng frequently exchanged poetry and paintings with her sister, Guan daogao, most famously a bamboo painting on which she had inscribed a long poem that begins: “Leafy, leafy, tall slender bamboo, Neither tangled nor creeping, Neither grass, nor tree Its virtue, exalted, rises above the world... Its heart is empty Its joints substantial And its trunk and leaves unchanging throughout the four seasons From these I perceive its virtue.” Not only did Guan fetishize bamboo, but she also used it as a person amblem, and device through which to express her feelings. On a bamboo painting for her husband, long absent in official service, Guan wrote rather plaintively: “On the day y
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