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FAH 260 Lecture #5 2013.doc

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The Artistic Landscape of East Asia: Metropolis Lecture #5, February 4, 2013 Slide #1 – Title Slide #2 -- Quiz material C: Buddhist bowl, ca. 250-280 CE. What is this object called? Where was it made? When? Who made it? What was the Slide #3 – Quiz material C: Great Stupa at Sanci What is this object? Where is it from? What is it made of? When? Why is it significant? Slide #4 – Quiz material C: Shaka Triad. True or False: This object was made in Japan by an ethnic Japanese artisan? If false, correct the false part(s) of the statement? Slide #5 – Unknown ID. C: Shang Bronze fangding. Date??? What is this object? When and where might it have been made? Slide #6 – Blank map. C: East Asia Map. A B C D E F Slide #7 – Comparison L: Shaka Triad. R: Kudara Kannon Please identify each of these artworks by artist, title, date, and culture of manufacture. Then reply to the question: How do these objects respond in visual and contextual terms to the environments in which they were made? Jennifer Purtle Page 1 2/7/2014 Slide #8 – Essay C: question • In an essay in which you make specific reference to five objects, and three authors from the course readings, please answer the following question: • What is East Asian Buddhist Art? You might wish to consider what informs this art? By what means it comes into being? How we understand it today? Slide #9– C: Map of Buddhist Monuments in East Asia Before I begin to address the idea of the metropolis, I would like to reiterate some basic ideas about the notion of the monument, especially the Buddhist one, in relation to the arts of East Asia. To begin, I would like to reiterate that for me – as a scholar and teacher – monument and monumentality are flexible concepts that can be defined and understood in many ways. Each slightly different definition of the terms monument and monumentality, however, creates a slightly different analytical framework. Definitions of monument and monumentality might be tweaked by the user to elucidate specific geographic, cultural, and historical contexts in which humans manufacture artifacts. Specifically, concepts of monument and monumentality might serve as fixed or migratory points of connection between the makers and viewers of artifacts, that is, points in larger geographical and cultural spaces made distinctive –often in enduring ways-- by the function of such artifacts. Specifically in the map on screen, monuments –in this case images of Maitreya, Buddha of the Future—made across the expanse of East Asia serve as nodes by which the cultural space of shared belief in Mahayana Buddhism can be charted, defined – literally pinpointed, from the site of Dunhuang, in the Gobi desert –in an example from Cave 257 of the Northern Wei period (386-534), to examples to the East, from Japan and Korea dated to the sixth and seventh centuries. Slide #10– C: Map of Major Buddhist Sites in East Asia Some of these monuments were fixed points, such as the Great Buddha of Yungang, while others were potentially mobile, such as the gilt bronze of 338 CE cast in the city of Luoyang. Slide #11– Jennifer Purtle Page 2 2/7/2014 L: Yungang, Great Buddha, Cave 20, 460-480. R: Longmen, Standing Bodhisattvas, Northern Wei period, 386-534 CE. The spread of Buddhist monuments began to chart the cultural space of East Asia, and transform its built environment. While Buddhist monuments might be free standing works of art, many Buddhist monuments were integrated into larger architectonic – that is, architecture-like – settings. Such settings might be fixed – as is evident in the case of the Great Buddha at Yungang, at left, and in the smaller, but no less fixed example of a bodhisattva carved in stone at the site of Longmen, made during the Northern Wei dynasty – that is 386-534 CE, at right – approximately the same site in China at which the gilt bronze Buddha of 338 CE was cast. Slide #12– L: Tamamushi Shrine, ca. 650 CE. R: Tachibana shrine, ca. 675 CE. Yet even Buddhist monuments, such as sculptures carved in wood, or cast in bronze and then gilded, might be free-standing and portable, they, too, were often placed in architectonic frames. Two seventh century shrines, both made in Japan, namely the Tamamushi Shrine, at left, and the Tachibana shrine, at right, serve as examples of portable housings for what might otherwise have been free-standing sculptures. But, such shrines also perhaps served as a means by which ideas of distant architectural techniques and forms – namely those of continental East Asian and/or China – may have been transmitted to, and gained currency in Japan and Korea. Slide #13– C: Tamamushi Shrine The Tamamushi Shrine, made circa 650 CE, takes its name “tamamushi” from a kind of beetle, the iridescent wings of which were placed behind the metal open work of the shrine’s frame, to shimmer and shine – perhaps like the five-colored light frequently described in sutras. Yet despite the fact that the shrine takes its name from an indigenous Japanese name for a native type of beetle, the shrine itself exists in dialogue with other Buddhist monuments of continental East Asia, in particular of China. Slide #14– L: Tamamushi Shrine C: Tamamushi Shrine painting R: Dunhuang, Cave 254, Northern Wei. Specifically, the paintings on the sides of the Tamamushi shrine illustrate important Buddhist narratives. Jennifer Purtle Page 3 2/7/2014 Any ideas what is happening on the face of the Shrine shown on screen? And on the image –a fresco from the Buddhist monastic site of Dunhuang on the Western fringe of China, at right? Both paintings tell the same story, a famous tale of the historical Buddha in an incarnation prior to becoming the Historical Buddha Sakyamuni. Stories of the Buddha before his incarnation as Sakyamuni are called Jataka Tales. Slide #15– L: Tamamushi Shrine painting R: Dunhuang, Cave 428, 538 CE. The tale may be easiest to see in its larger narrative form in the mural from Dunhuang, a site of Buddhist art production at the edge of the Gobi desert. Slide #16– L: Tamamushi Shrine painting R: Dunhuang, Cave 428, 538 CE. The tale states: “One day a prince named Mahasattva (maha = “great”, sattva = “being”) and his brothers went out riding.” Slide #17– L: Tamamushi Shrine painting R: Dunhuang, Cave 428, 538 CE. “They happened upon a starving tigress and her cubs.” Slide #18– L: Tamamushi Shrine painting R: Dunhuang, Cave 428, 538 CE. “Afraid that she would starve to death, two of the brothers turned back for home to get food for the beasts.” Slide #19– L: Tamamushi Shrine painting R: Dunhuang, Cave 428, 538 CE. “Mahasattva, fearing that they would not return in time, threw himself off a cliff...” Slide #20– L: Tamamushi Shrine painting R: Dunhuang, Cave 428, 538 CE. Jennifer Purtle Page 4 2/7/2014 “...To feed the tigress and her cubs with his own body and blood.” Slide #21– L: Tamamushi Shrine painting R: Dunhuang, Cave 428, 538 CE. “When Mahasattva’s brothers returned with food for the tigress, they found the tigress and her cubs alive, but could find no trace of their brother. The only thing left of him was his bones.” Slide #22– L: Tamamushi Shrine painting R: Dunhuang, Cave 428, 538 CE. “Mahasattva’s brothers returned home to get their father, and led him to the site. Together, they collected Mahasattva's remains...” Slide #23– L: Tamamushi Shrine painting R: Dunhuang, Cave 428, 538 CE. “And built a pagoda for his bones on the spot.” (Jataka Tales, p. ???). In this story, Prince Mahasattva (the Buddha in a previous life) gives his life so that other sentient beings might live. His selflessness earns him honor among his people and leads to his rebirth in a better life. Jennifer Purtle Page 5 2/7/2014 Slide #24– L: Tamamushi Shrine painting C Dunhuang, Cave 428, 538 CE. R: Dunhuang, Cave 257, Northern Wei 386-534 Yet the story, while it dramatically narrates a fundamental truth of Buddhism, also speaks to the larger world of Buddhist monument making: the context in which the mural painting is located is a rock-cut cave chapel at the site of Dunhuang, at the edge of the Gobi desert. In Cave #428, in which this mural – made in secco, that is, painting in dry plaster, rather than the technique of fresco, painting in wet plaster (which is more common in the West) – is a central pillar – like the one in cave #257 shown at lower right, what one might think of as a representation of a stupa or axis mundi contained within the framework of a room excavated from a sandstone cliff. Thus the tale of Prince Mahasattva, which addresses the meritorious deeds that provoke the commemoration of the individual with a stupa sits in proximity to an adaptation of that structure. Indeed, the account of the Chinese Buddhist monk and traveler Faxian (fl. 4-5 cents.), who traveled to India, via Central Asia between 399 and 414 CE, to seek more accurate knowledge of Buddhist practice and better copies of Buddhist texts than were currently available in China, visited the site at which Prince Mahasattva sacrificed himself. Faxian writes: “Seven days journey to the east brought the travelers to the kingdom of Taxila, which means 'the severed head ' in the language of China. [According to another Jataka Tale, it was] here, when Buddha was a Bodhisattva, that he gave away his head to a man; from this event the kingdom got its name. Going on further for two days to the east, they came to the place where, [in the Mahasattva Jataka] the Bodhisattva threw down his body to feed a starving tigress. In these two places also large stupas have been built, both adorned with layers of all the precious substances. The kings, ministers, and people of the kingdoms around vie with one another in making offerings to them. The trains of those who come to scatter flowers and light lamps at them never cease. The nations of those quarters call those [and the other two mentioned before] 'the four great stupas.' Going southwards from Gandhara, [the travelers] in four days arrived at the kingdom of Pu-ru-sha-pu-ra [Peshawar]. Formerly, when Buddha was traveling in this country with his disciples, he said to Ananda, 'After my pari-nirvana, there will be a king named Kanishka [the famous Kushan emperor], who shall on this spot build a stupa. This Kanishka was afterwards born into the world; and [once], when he had gone forth to look about him, Sakra, Ruler of Devas, wishing to excite the idea in his mind, assumed the appearance of a little herd-boy, and was making a stupa right in the way [of the king], who asked what sort of a thing he was making. The boy said, 'I am making a stupa for Buddha. The king said, 'Very Jennifer Purtle Page 6 2/7/2014 good;' and immediately, right over the boy's stupa, he [proceeded to] rear another, which was more than four hundred cubits high, and adorned with layers of all the precious substances. Of all the stupas and temples that [the travelers] saw in their journeying, there was not one comparable to this in solemn beauty and majestic grandeur. There is a current saying, that this 'is the finest stupa in Jambudvipa'. When the king's stupa was completed, the little stupa [of the boy] came out from its side on the south, rather more than three cubits in height.” (Faxian, Legge trans., 32-34) Writing at the turn of the fourth and fifth centuries –toward the beginning of the period in which the Dunhuang caves were likely painted—Faxian traces the intersection of selflessness and nihilation of the physical body and the production of architectonic, Buddhist monuments. Even as Faxian began to narrate, for a Chinese-language readership, the logic of the stupa, he also constructed height as its defining element. In describing the encounter of King Kaniska with the stupa-building boy, Kaniska manifests his power by raising a stupa “four hundred cubits high.” (Faxian, Legge trans., 34) Slide #25– L: Great Stupa at Sanci CL: Han pottery tower CR: Tamamushi Shrine R: Horyuji pagoda I would suggest here, that Faxian began to raise, in imaginative, perhaps religiously inspired prose, architectonic monuments to the Buddha that had no precedent in Indian buildings. Rather, I propose that Faxian envisioned magnificently tall stupas from the Watch Tower, a building type indigenous to China and Vietnam during the Han dynasty, thus assimilating and adapting the Watch Tower to Buddhist ritual and monumental use. Repeated exposure to Sinophone representations of Indian Buddhist practices, I believe, irrevocably changed the look and character of the Chinese city. For example, subsequent Chinese travellers to India followed Faxian’s itinerary exactly, and thus produced travelogues that linked, in naarative, the site of the stupa of Mahasattava with the site of the magnificant tall stupa built by King Kaniska. The Dunhuang native and Luoyang resident and Song Yun (fl. 6 cent.) and the monk th Huisheng (fl. 6 cent.), did precisely this. . (Yang, Record of Buddhist Monasteries of Lo- yang, p. 215-248). Thus Chinese-languge account after account reinforced Faxian’s account of Indian practices of stupa-making. Moreover, such accounts may have been instrumental in transforming the stupa into the pagoda, which subsequently spread throughout East Asia. Slide #26– Jennifer Purtle Page 7 2/7/2014 C: Map of Luoyang, circa 528 at the transition of Northern/ Western Wei dynasties, with Pagodas marked. Equally significantly, the proliferation of pagodas – as in the Chinese city of Luoyang, circa 528 CE imaged on screen-- punctured the formerly low-rise skyline of the urban matrix – for each orange triangle is a pagoda, whose relative heights 3, 5, 7, and nine stories I have tried to show with relative heights of triangles. Slide #27– L: Map of Luoyang, circa 528 at the transition of Northern/ Western Wei dynasties, with Pagodas marked. R: Han representation The Han dynasty model challenged by the new pagodas had its gates and its drum tower (from which time was produced for public consumption) as the highest points within a viewer’s field of vision, as exemplified in a pottery tile of the Han dynasty, that represents the southwestern Chinese city of Chengdu, and which was used to decorate tomb interiors – perhaps to help the deceased experience the life of a city he had once inhabited. Whereas the highest points in the Han city were controlled by the State, for collective defense and the production of collective time, in the Wei city, Buddhist establishments, only some of which enjoyed the patronage of imperial family members, exerted their authority by projecting their monumentality against the skyline. Slide #28– L: Map of Luoyang, circa 528 at the transition of Northern/ Western Wei dynasties, with Pagodas marked. R: Image of Small Goose pagoda, 707-709 CE, Xi’an Although anachronistic, a contemporary photograph of the Small Goose Pagoda of built by the tang dynasty emperor Gaozong circa 707-709 CE, on screen at right, in modern day Xi’an, gives some sense of how a medieval Chinese pagoda might have punctuated the skyline of a low-built Chinese city. What is a metropolis? According to the OED a metropolis derives from: “Classical Latin metropolis capital city (from late 2nd cent. in inscriptions), see of a metropolitan bishop (4th cent. in post-classical Latin) and its etymon ancient Greek mother city of a colony, capital city (in Byzantine Greek also ‘see of a metropolitan bishop’ (4th cent.)) < -, combining form of -, (see MOTHER n.1) + (see -POLIS). Cf. earlier METROPOLITAN n. and a.]” The OED goes on to define “metropolis” in its originary form: Jennifer Purtle Page 8 2/7/2014 “1. Christian Church. The seat or see of a metropolitan bishop. Now chiefly hist. exc. in Orthodox Church,” the earliest usage of which dates to 1542 CE; indeed, the problems of applying this term, so closely linked to the church, to Asia was noted circa 1727-41 by E. CHAMBERS Cycl. s.v., who writes, “In Asia, there were metropolis's merely nominal, that is, which had no suffragan, nor any rights of metropolitans.” More suitable to thinking about an East Asian metropolis might be a more originary Greek sense of the word: 2. orig. Greek Hist. The mother city or parent state of a colony. 3. a. The chief town or city of a country (occas. of a province or district), esp. the one which is the seat of government; a capital. In extended use: any large, bustling city. the metropolis (also the Metropolis), London, as contrasted with the whole of Britain, England, or the provinces; (occas.) London as a whole, as distinct from the City (see CITY n. 5a). [a1398 J. TREVISA tr. Bartholomaeus Anglicus De Proprietatibus Rerum (BL Add.) f. 174, Asturia is a prouynce of e hider spayne..the citee hatte metropolis.] b. A chief seat of some form of activity; a place or thing distinguished above others for some quality, characteristic, etc. Chiefly with of. 1599 T. NASHE Lenten Stuffe 4 This superiminente principall Metropolis of the redde Fish. 4. Bot. and Zool. The locality in which a species or other taxon is most common. *In its sense as the seat – also called a see, as in the Holy See, St. Siege – a metropolis might also be an urban space defined by, among other things the number and density of its monuments over which a ruling authority might be understood to maintain control. That is a metropolis might be the seat of something, or of many things, nexus of connection, or matrix for the world that lies outside its walls and extramural territories. What about Anthony King? How might a World System relate to a metropolis? What would you want Luoyang to have to consider it, circa 518, to be a metropolis? UN has deemed Toronto the world’s most cosmopolitan city... Slide #29– Top L: Chang’an Lower R: Previous capital sites Jennifer Purtle Page 9 2/7/2014 After the fall of the Northern Wei dynasty, their territory was consolidated by a short- lived dynasty called Sui (581-618 CE). The first Sui emperor Wendi 5. 581-604) expanded China to the South, by consolidating rule over Vietnam. After 609 CE, the second Sui emperor Yangdi (r. 605-617-) began a series of campaigns to expand China, to the north against the Eastern Turks, and to the Northeast against modern day Korea. Although Vietnam was annexed in date, the campaign against Korea was disastrous. It provoked rebellions in China, and the Sui emperor was killed. One of the rebel generals, Li Yuan (r. 618-624) declared a new dynasty, Tang – meaning “great” or “expansive.” Like the Sui emperors before him, Li Yuan belonged to the North Chinese aristocracy, and was of mixed Chinese and Turkic ancestry. By 624, the Tang had consolidated control over lands traditionally held by “China,” as well as modern Vietnam, and the area of Korea north of the peninsula. To endow the state with the most auspicious cosmological and material foundation, the founders of the Tang dynasty ordered that a new capital – Chang’an, literally “everlasting Peace,” shown here in a bird’s eye reconstruction drawing, be built near the site of previous capitals of powerful Chinese states, including that of the Han dynasty, whose name of Chang’an it borrowed. Slide #30– Top L: Tang dynasty Chang’an reconstructed bird’s eye view. Planning begun during the Sui dynasty, 582 CE. st Lower L: Kaogong ji, text date = 1 m. BCE Lower C: Reconstruction of Han dynasty Bright Hall “Ming Tang” Lower R: Reconstruction of Han dynasty Bright Hall “Ming Tang” Moreover, to reinforce the auspiciousness of this cosmological and material foundation of the state, the founders of the Tang dynasty commissioned a new capital –built in alignment with ancient principles of capital building. The locus classicus – that is, the ur-source of such knowledge was the Record of Trades (Kaogong ji) believed to be a late 1 millennium BCE addition to The Rites of Zhou (Zhou li). The Record of Trades states: “The artisan (jiangren) builds the state, leveling the ground with the water by using a plumb-line. He lays out posts, taking the plumb-line [to ensure the posts’ verticality], and uses their shadows as determinants of a mid-point. He examines the shadows of the rising and setting sun and makes a circle that includes the mid- points of the two shadows. The artisan constructs the state capitals. He makes a square nine li [that is, Chinese miles] on each side;; each side has three gates. Within the capital are nine north-south and nine east-west streets. The north-south streets are nine carriage tracks in width. One the left [as one faces south; that is, to the east] is the Ancestral Temple, and to the right [that is, to the West] are the Altars of Soil and Grain. In the front is the Hall of Audience, and behind the Markets.” (Steinhardt, Jennifer Purtle Page 10 2/7/2014 33) Not only does the text explicitly articulate the form of a capital – replete with the symmetry and numerology of the number nine, jiu – linked to the Nine Tripods, and a homophone for long-lasting, but it underscores the role of human agency in the making of a capital fully aligned with the cosmos. Additionally, the Tang dynasty city of Chang’an, like its Han dynasty predecessor possessed a Bright Hall (Chn. Ming Tang), a structure outside the city walls, but integrally linked to the city, a structure that allows the city to interface with the cosmos. The Han dynasty scholar Cai Yong’s (fl. ca. 132 CE) “Treatise on the Bright Hall and Monthly Observances” (Mingtang yueling lun) describes the Bright Hall of the Han dynasty capital of Chang’an, which the Tang urban planners and architects almost certainly consulted. Indeed, Cai Yong makes clear how the Hall is both a symbol of the Universe and a guide to rulership: “Bright Hall is the Great Temple of the Son of Heaven [that is, the emperor], the place where the emperor pays his respects to his ancestors in conjunction with worshipping the Lord on High... (Wu, p. 178) Bright Hall is constructed for the emperor to observe Heaven and seasonal orders, to carry forward the virtuous ancestral rites, to confirm the contributions of royal predecessors and feudal lords, to declare the principles of honoring the old, and to promote the education of the young...” (Wu, p. 179) Yet, even as Cai Yong tells how the Bright Hall serves as the focus of an ordered society, he most eloquently expresses it larger connection to the cosmos by articulating how the Bright Hall translates the matrix of Confucian cosmology and codes into material form. Cai writes: “The various sections of Bright Hall have their regulations. The whole building has a square floor plan of 144 chi – that is, Chinese feet – on each side, a measurement determined by the numerical value assigned to the Earth. The round rood is 216 chi in diameter, which is based on the numerical value assigned to Heaven. Great Temple [in the center] is three zhang – that is, tens of Chinese feet – on each side, and the Room of Communing with Heaven [above Great Temple] is nine zhang in diameter, because nine and six represent the transformation of yin and yang. [On the other hand,] to place the round room on top of the square chamber implies the reverse yin-yang transformation from six to nine. The building’s eight openings imply the eight trigrams of the Yijing [or Book o
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