Lectures After Midterm.doc

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University of Toronto St. George
Near & Middle Eastern Civilizations
James Reilly

March 1, 2012 Lecture Thirteen: First World War andArab Nationalist’sAlliance With Britain -The young Turks revived the old Ottoman constitution but they did not put back the old ways, they became more of a directorship. The parliament was not really there, the laws and decisions were being made by the Party of National Unity. The Young Turks acted like elites, and unfairly, they worked towards political arabism. Parts ofArab society of those who came to high positions in government. There was a shift from the old regime and now they were changing into a more modern regime in 1908. -For the first time political arabism was spread acrossArab Muslims. -By 1914 they were small but many political groups dealing with this politics. -Along side organizations that followed arabism, was lead by Hussain from the family of Hasse- meite. He was appointed the Sharif of Mecca. He was a good candidate for the position. He had uneasy feelings of the young Turks. He wanted to connect the train line to Damascus but not down to Medina. He made ties with Britain, he feared the centralization of Ottoman authority. -By opening contacts with Britain before the war was a way to lock his rule and to be defended. This amountained to nothing, they did not want to create any problems for themselves because this area was weak area. Problems came when the Ottoman empire sided with Germany in the War and they thought it would be a short war and they would win and gain land. Now Britain went to get allies in the small arab provinces. Hussain went to Britain toArab Nationalism, and he started the arab revolt in 1916. -Moreover his connections helped him to get more allies in the arab revolt, against the Ottoman empire. -He was driven by personal qualities to get what he wanted. -All Ottoman Christians and Jews were conscripted to the Ottoman army. -Originally the Ottoman nationalist who supported Hussain thought that they would win. The army was led by Jemell Pasha and they were able to stop theAustralians. He did not put people in their home areas because they could escape and go back home because they were conscripts and did not want to be there. The arab revolt made a huge effort for the British in the Middle East. Lots and lots of people killed and died,Armenians were targeted because of ethnicity. -Famine in Syria and Lebanon because of poor harvest and food being taken to use in the army and the blockage by France and Britain. They were also taxed by Britain and France, and this leads to the collapse of the Ottoman empire. -Hussian’s son Fysal was going to be King of Iraq. -In 1916 the Skyes- Picot agreement was created with Britain and its allies, they split up the area of the middle east ie. fertile crescent and gave areas to France and Britain and international areas. -Beaflour agreement in 1917 was created by the British for an all Jewish nation state. -The Skyes-Picot was nullified in 1917 because Russia collapses and drops out of the war. -Public declarations were made by 1918 France and Britain pledged to create national govern- ments in the Ottoman empire. As part of a post- war world. -These arab nationalist and broken with the Caliphate and now they had sided with Britain. -Britain and France just wanted to cut up the Ottoman empire for themselves. -France got a mandate from the league of nations that they can have Syria and Lebanon. -Britain got a mandate for Egypt and Iraq -As a movement theArab Nationalist did not have roots to do much. Post World War One Period Egypt: In 1882 Britain had taken over Egypt and until 1914 it was part of the Ottoman empire. Britain worked behind the scenes in Egypt. -In 1913 they had a rep. in Egyptian government -During the war Cairo river was cut because they were to close to the Ottoman empire. There government would be reviewed after the war. They did not do this, so their was a revolt against Britain. Egypt nationalist were not allowed to go to the Paris Peace Conference, to say there case. -The British did not really want to deal with another war against Egypt. They wanted to find oth- er ways to define colonial rule. -1914 - 1923 the Muhammad Ali dynasty would be called the government of the Sultan. The role Egyptian royal government had pressure for nationalist, and they could not agree with the British terms -The Wafd was a truly national party, it was middle class elites and higher class elites. It had sup- ports in the city and the country side. -In 922 Britain declared Egypt to be independent. It gained internal autonomy, but there was no agreement Britain still have itself some control of the land. They had an constitution in 1923, and a constitutional monarchy. Parliament was suspended most of the time. There were some politi- cal parties. -Zuguhul was the leader of the Wafd party and he was Prime Minister for a little bit, he was forced to resign because had assassinated the British leader of the Egyptian army. The constitu- tional monarchy was afraid the Wafd would take over them. -There was poverty and disease during this time, not a lot of doctors. -Very few people owned land, or could send their children to school. 2% of the population owned the land in this period. -There was an Egyptian feminist movement, that agued women’s rights and they turned there backs on the Wafd movement when they were not enfranchised. -There was an financial elite, and industrialist ie. Bank Misr, textiles, food production. -The case of Britain we see a difference between industrialist and the landowners. In Egypt they would mix together to better help themselves. -So the 1930s saw radical movements of Islamic, Nationalist and Communist reforms emerging. -In 1928, The Muslim Brotherhood was the larges political party around. -The Wafd movement had decreased and gone into other groups. -Egypt is now struggling for full independence. -Even though liberalism fell politically, it did not fall in education and cultural areas. -Egypt was a community of people who lived their and defined themselves there. Then the idea of Egypt is the cultural on itself with a wider western and medetarrian world. This kind of na- tionalism is called Ironic nationalism looking back at the time of the Pharaohs. -Monuments and statues, were created to mark the past values of Egypt heritage. -Modern Egypt is connecting to its ancient past. -The growing middle class (modest backgrounds) they understood Egypt not only in territorial terms but with other speaking lands. TheArab Revolt: HashemiteAmbitions, British Strategy Sharif Husayn of Mecca (left) led theArab Revolt against the Ottoman Turks beginning in 1916. He wished to preserve and extend the authority of his family in the name of “true” Islam and ofArab nationalism. The na- tionalists’bête-noir was Jamal Pasha (above right), a key member of the Ottoman leadership who used extraordinary war powers to govern Syria and Palestine with German support. Operational control of theArab Revolt was delegated to Sharif Husayn’s sons ‘Abdallah (below left) and Faysal. Shown here with British GeneralAllenby, Faysal (below right) symbolized Hashemite achievements and disappointments in the postwar disposition ofArab lands after the Ottomans’ defeat. Egypt from special Ottoman province, to British Protectorate, to Kingdom 1882 — British occupy Egypt and rule behind façade of Khedive’s administration 1906 — widespread anti-British protests and agitation 1908 — huge funeral for nationalist hero Mustafa Kamil 1913 — British permit partially elected representative assembly 1914 — Britain severs Egyp- tian-Ottoman link and declares Protectorate over Egypt; Khedive deposed; his successor is called Sultan of Egypt 1919 — massive countrywide anti-British demonstrations; formation of Wafd movement under Sa‘d Zaghlul 1922 — Britain unilaterally declares Egypt independent but reserves four key is- sues of sovereignty to itself 1923 — Egyptian constitution defines country as constitutional monarchy; Sultan becomes King; franchise restricted to males 1924 — Sa‘d Zaghlul’s Wafd win first parliamentary elections 1928 — Muslim Brotherhood established 1930–35 — King suspends parliament and rules by martial law 1936 — Wafd wins new elections and signs Treaty with Britain that permits Egypt to join the League of Nations 1936–39 — Growing public consciousness of and expressions of solidarity withArab Muslims outside of Egypt, particularly those in Palestine; radical nationalist and religious movements gain larger followings 1939–45 — British impose renewed military control in Egypt 1942 — Britain forces King to appoint a pro-British Wafd government 1945 — League of Arab States formed with Egypt playing acentral role Ideological Currents in Interwar Egypt The Egyptian national movement from 1919 onward was embodied in the Wafd party, founded by Sa‘d Zaghlul (d. 1927), shown top left with sculptor Mahmud Mukhtar. During the 1920s Egyptian politicians, authors, and artists promoted territorial nationalism using Pharaonic im- agery, as in Mukhtar’s statue “TheAwakening of Egypt” (top right). In a similar vein, the blind writer Taha Husayn (d. 1973, below left) emphasized Egypt’s Mediterranean roots. More pop- ulist middle class currents (including the Muslim Brotherhood, whose symbol is below right) stressed Egyptians’ Arab and/or Islamic identities. Radical religious and nationalist movements expressed middle class alienation from a parliamentary system seen as corrupt and unresponsive. “Joe Egyptian” confronts a corrupt political system, 1930s In Egyptian political cartoons of the 1930s, the character of Misri Effendi — “Joe Egyptian” — represented middle-class discomfiture with the elitist and corrupt political system associated with the King, parliament, and wealthy politicians. This cartoon from 1933 — in the midst of the global economic depression — shows Misri Effendi berating the political and economic estab- lishment for their oppression of the peasantry, deriding their proposal to allocate an inadequate sum to assist the rural poor. (The bag at Misri Effendi’s feet denotes 1 million Egyptian pounds. In the translated caption, ‘fellah’means peasant.) All the political actors, including Misri Effendi, are depicted as male. Elites are lampooned for their haughty demeanor and expensive suits. The peasant is not depicted as a political actor, but rather he is acted upon. Politics was generally understood as a matter for literate urban males of the middle and upper classes. March, 6, 2012 Lecture Fourteen: Inter War Period in North Africa -The French controlled areas: Tunisia, Morocco andAlgeria shared number of common features: all three had come under European control pre-WW1. France was the dominate colonial power. Protected Tunisia and shared Morocco with Spain and had the protected treaties. They were sort of similar to the situation in Egypt. -During the interwar period all three countries were subjected to European colonial government, investments in mining and agriculture. The indigenous relayed on wage labour. The rural sectors experience land shortages and commercial agriculture and the effect of it was driving peasants off the land. Urban artisans were generally effected by the big commercial businesses from the inner city. People would move from the rural country side to the urban city. Cities that were once European are now beginning filled with the natives. ie. Casablanca. Traditional arab city emger- ing with the modern European cities. TheArabs would live in the old parts of the cities and the Europeans would live in the newer parts of the city.All three countries had national movements who came together as collations to either get independence or to come together with Europe -Islamic, Nationalist or Socialist or sometimes they combined elements of all three groups. The conditions for national movements. The leadership of these movements were draw from the mid- dle class educated graduates from French or British schools. They emerged after the WW1 and conscripts who had come back from France (they fought with the French army). 25% of Tunisia males from 20 -40 spent there time in France. War is over large number of people have these new experiences and now they want more political freedom because they did these new jobs and be- cause the economy was not doing well because then in 1929s there was the great depression. Symbolic French actions that stirred up national movements even more. French colonial rule set into motion the forces that would make it unattainable to continue their rule in these countries. Algeria: The interwar period saw three political trends withAlgeria Muslims: 1. The a simulation with the youngAlgerians. (because of the French colonial enterprise and the annexation of algeria to France,Algeria was part of France territory. They did not have the same legal rights as Christians. Afew thousand people who were educated and simulated to France was not immediately related. They were able to have a voice in France, themselves. They had connections with France, and were educated in the French systems but they did not want to give up their Muslim status to have the legal status the Christians have. The opposition of the colonist to these laws took the simulation out of them. They needed this to pursue other Muslims that this is the path that they wanted to take to show others this is the right thing to do. By WW2 they have come to have a different political agenda. The first nationalist trend but with socialism emgering amongAlgerian workers in France in 1926 and they come up with the NorthAfrica Star, it took its name from the French war medal that was given to them to recognize their war efforts during the WW1. It was linked to the French Communist party. Some of the modeling came to the NAS from the communist party because they all were forming during this time. The communist wanted to extend the franchise toAlgeria andAlgeria is its own country and they should have their independence and no longer be under colonial rule. Urbanized peasants were part if the party as well. 2. The teachings of Muhammad Abud that led to the Muslim Brotherhood that was happen- ing in Egypt. The influence of them reachedAlgeria and other countries because of schools in Cairo and would be influenced by theses people and would come back with these ideas to their home countries and try to spread them. The organization that was forming it was a tenseless and theAlgerian Ulama had a problem with the Marabout not like the same way it was in Egypt. They instated on controlling the Ulama waqf. The Ulama said they needed a modern Muslim schools to continue the value of Islam. They did not want people to forget about the true values on Islam. They wanted a new understanding of Muslim and so they can learn how to modern and Muslim at the same time. Habous in French means Waqf. TheAlgerian Ulama would accuse the Marabouts of siding with the French. The willingness of assimilation of the slogan of the Ulama was the “Islam is my religion, Arabic is my language andAlgeria is my homeland.” 3. The government ofAlgeria spent a lot of money on celebrations. Taxes were higher to be able to afford this. This did not go down very well with other Muslims, in 1931 the French heirachry Eucharist Committee wanted to ChristianizeAlgeria because the French are coming back here after being away from centuries. For them to think they have made something perfect and establishing themselves. Most of the colonist inAlgeria were European Catholics and they would take on French backgrounds. Assimilationism & Nationalism in InterwarAlgeria The YoungAlgerians (1908) took French Republican slogans of liberté, égalité and frater- nité seriously, and they advocated “assimilation” of MuslimAlgerians into French politics through full citizenship and civic equality. Their most prominent spokesman was FerhatAbbas (Farhât ‘Abbâs. d. 1985 [top left]), the pharmacist son of pro-French administrators and landowners in Constantine. Later, the persistence of French and colon supremacist attitudes caused Abbas and his associates to despair of assimilation and they adopted separatist national- ism. Algerian veterans of the French army [lower left] founded the first explicitly nationalist organi- zation in 1926, the Etoile Nord-Africaine, led by Massali al-Hajj (Masâlî al-Hâjj, d. 1974 [lower right]). On his return to Algeria from France in 1936, Massali became head of the nationalist People’s Party. The Centenary of “Algérie Française” and theAssociation ofAlgerian ‘Ulamâ’ Posters commemorating the centenary of the French invasion ofAlgeria (1930) offered a picture of Franco- Muslim amity and harmony that glossed over a history of conquest and colonial dis- crimination. Ceremonies commemorating the French conquest, and the French Right’s efforts to emphasize the historically Christian character of NorthAfrica, spurred the creation of theAssoci- ation of Algerian Ulama (1931). The leading figure in theAssociation was ‘Abd al-Hamîd ibn Badîs (Ben Badis, d. 1940, pictured below). Like the assimilationist FerhatAbbas, Ibn Badis was born to a wealthy pro- French administrative family in Constantine. Educated at the Zaytuna in Tunis, he was intrigued by the ideas of the Salafiyya that he encountered both in Tunis and dur- ing his travels to Egypt and the Hijaz. Ibn Badis chose to emphasize theArabic and Islamic ele- ments ofAlgerian identity. He and his associates supported modern Islamic education, and they challenged both assimilationists likeAbbas and traditionalists like the marabouts, whom the Salafi ‘ulama’denounced as ignorant and corrupt. March 8, 2012 Lecture Fifteen: Tunisia and Morocco in The InterWar Period -In Tunisia there were 3 trends: 1. Conservative colonialism of the former elite. The elites were still there because they were protectors of France, not like in Algeria. There was a political party of reformist ideas, and they claimed that France was blocking Tunisia’s modern reform in the world, they were pushing them back and they were not going forward. The destour tried to push for a modern reform for Tunisia. They saw the conflict with France in legal and diplomatic turns, not in violence. There methods of action reflect their elite backgrounds, and they lacked the support of a mass base and because of that France was able to get rid of them. They did not get the help of the intelligencia. They were arguing for old political reform. 2. The populist nationalism and the Neo-Destour party was the ones who take a look from the Destour, by they were from theArab Franco School system and they were from the middle class. They were from a different background than the other Destour. The leader of this party was a lawyer. They drawed people from the lower status, from the village and costal towns. By the 1930s people were competing with the old elite families and the aspiring middle classes in the Tunisia beauracy. They demanded for independence no going back to the ways in the past. They wanted to create a new society. They became a mass party with 100, 000 people in the communi- ty by 1934. They had the new middle class, the dock workers of Tunisia and the rural tribal peo- ple. 3. The independent trade union movement. Modern trade unions emerged in Tunisia for the first time in France North Africa. The workers in the industries were Tunisians, and the French were there employers. In 1924 it started because of the work dockers strike. Even after the move- ment was suppressed, the people sided with the Neo-Destour party. They had their own indepen- dence but they emerged along the same war with the Neo-Destour. They were pushed under ground in 1926 but then emerged to the surface in 1940s when it was okay for them. Interwar Tunisia: From Destour to Neo-Destour The French Protectorate (est. 1881) kept the court of the Husaynid Beys intact. However, the re- splendent denizens of the Bardo palace (left) lacked real authority. The Destour [Dustûr = Con- stitution] party (est. 1920) used political and legal means to argue for a reduction of French influence and the development of Tunisia as a modern Islamic state. The Destour’s founder, ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Tha‘alabi (d. 1944, pictured on a postage stamp at right), was in some respects an heir of the 19th-century reformer Khayr al-Din al-Tunisi, who had been one of the first to write in Arabic about the meaning of a modern Islamic state from a ruling-class perspective. But the Destour’s elitist orientation and its inability to mobilize a large cross-section of Tunisia’s population caused the party to languish. Provincial middle- class ac- tivists with both French and Arabic educations broke with the old party and founded the Neo- Destour in 1934. Theirs was a nationalist agenda with grass-roots organization. The Neo- Des- tour’s leading figure was provincial lawyer Habib Bourguiba (Habîb Bû-Raqîba, d. 2000, stand- ing at the far left with other Neo-Destour leaders). For the Neo-Destour, the Husaynid Beys and the Bardo palace represented failure and collaboration, not a framework for Tunisian self-gov- ernment. Morocco: Islamic and nationalist movement. Extend modern Muslim education. They thought along the same lines toAlgeria. They always did not like the Marabout. They also did not like it when in 1930 France to replace the shira customary law, and they did not want this to happen. Morocco national movement was in 1930 mobilzation against the burber decrit. Morocco needed France are they would fall a part. -A Moroccan nation that was linked together with Islam and an old Spanish Islam. The Sultan sat in the middle of a modern Morocco and the old traditional ways of power. Where do you find the legal training in Ulama. To give t a formal burecratic structure. France was creating a system that linked the country to the city. The French are building the roads and railroads to bring the coun- try and city closer. There is an increasing movement of rural people to the cities. The French are attempting to institutions Morocco. There was disenfranchised in the masses and this help get a national party together. El Fazzy was the leader of the political party. As the issues moved out into the country side between French who lived on the best lands and the farmers. Non arabs and non muslims in the new modern Morocco state. The WW2 Sultan sided with the national move- ment. The Moroccan elite survived the post war and the national elite. Political development in France left changes in the political front. The political popular front which was a left winged coalition party looked to colonial settlers in the NorthAfrica because they did own them any- thing. NorthAfrica colonist had their hopes raised and dropped because the party in France did nothing for them and then they were pushed out of power and a more formal conservative party was elected in. They were organizing now to become a modern state. Nationalism, Reform and Tradition in Interwar Morocco In Morocco the movement of Salafi-inflected nationalism was reflected in the Istiqlal Party (1936) led by ‘Allal al-Fasi (d. 1974, left). Like the Neo- Destour in Tunisia, the Istiqlal was an amalgam of left-wing trade-union activists, small farmers and merchants, and middle-class pro- fessionals. When Sultan Muhammad V (d. 1961, lower left) declared his support for the national movement after the Second World War, the nationalist coalition acquired socially conservative Establishment and traditionalist backing. (Later, once the French and Spanish prudently decided to retire from their joint protectorate [1956], the Moroccan monarchy was able to hold the bal- ance of power between contending social forces in a way that prevented nationalists like al-Fasi from emerging as Morocco’s counterpart to Tunisia’s Bourguiba or Egypt’s postwar leader ‘Abd al-Nasir.) Libya: It was historical three different regions. These regions had distinct different experiences in the pre-colonial. Tripolatian had a society of merchants and peasants, and had mountain peas- ants. They had ties with Tripoli, they go their income from a combination of taxes on exports and shipping. The revenues and trade in Hizian. The decline of sea trade, splits the Caramedleys fam- ily and in 1835 they are no longer in power. They are the NorthAfrican out post for the Tonsi- mate. In 19th century there was British and Italian interests in this area. The Maltese worked and traded in Libya under British rule. The Italian banks made alliances with the merchants and banks. There were Italian schools build in during this time. Jews would learn Italian to get Italian citizenship so they can get support. Britain was okay after 1882 and on the same page because Britain did not want the French to get involved. They did not want the French to expand their rule from Tripoli into this area. The Italians were a player in Libya during this time. Italians set- tled here because of cultural interests (education, trading etc) -In Fazian, rulers ignored Tripoli. They had a big export of dates. In 1812 the last Cardemley ruler took over this area. The Fazin got its independence after the fall of the Cardemley family. -In 1842 a new style of Ottoman army came and established a garrison in a local town. Fazians moved northward for work in the labour force. -Core of Ottoman North Africa in the 19th century -The real wealth came from the trade routes most articles of goods were gold and slaves and os- trich feathers -The elites that were able to profit from these trades were quite wealthy -Expanding government control south ward once the Cardemely family ends and a beauracy gov- ernment comes into play. -The slave trade is abolished in the 19th century by the Ottoman empire so that is lost income for the elites and the other trade routes are given to France. They will become a labour clam and ex- porting workers Map of Libya plus its historical regions In Ottoman times, Libya’s three regions were: Tripolitania in the northwest, where Tripoli was the capital of the Ottoman province. The town of Tripoli had a direct tributary or administrative relationship with other Tripolitanian towns and with Tripolitania’s agricultural hinterland. Fezzan due south of Tripolitania. The oasis region of Fezzan was frequently self-governing and it had an intermittent tributary relationship with Tripolitania. Permanent Ottoman garrisons were established there only in the second half of the 19th century. Cyrenaica (or al-Barqa), where Benghazi and other small administrative and garrison towns had weak links to the agricultural and pastoral hinterland. Italy Invades and Conquers Libya Italy invaded Tripolitania in 1911 (top photo), and the Ottomans withdrew in 1912. Italy con- quered Fezzan in 1914 but could not hold it. By the end of World War I, Italy controlled much of the Tripolitanian coast while the country’s interior was under indigenous Libyan rulers and au- thorities of different kinds (a Republic in Tripolitania; Sanusi leadership in Cyrenaica; tribal leadership in Fezzan). Beginning in 1922 Italy moved to conquer all of Libya. Concentration camps (center photo) were among the weapons and tactics used to quash Libyan resistance. The Italian authorities captured and hanged the Sanusi-affiliated resistance leader ‘Umar al-Mukhtar in 1931 (bottom photo). Italy Governs Libya Under Fascist rule Libya was annexed to Italy. The country’s Roman heritage was emphasized in public monuments (top photo: “VictoryAvenue” in Benghazi), entertainments such as the Italian Grand Prix were organized (bottom left), and more than 100,000 Italians took up residence in the country (at bottom right, a group of settlers greet the Italian governor Balbo in 1938). Tuesday March 13, 2012 Lecture Sixteen: Continuation (Barqa and Libya) Cyenarica (Barqa): It is separated from Tripoli and is near the medetarrian coast and the bar- er of the dessert. It was dependent on Tripoli. -There tribal people were able to govern on themselves -They had garrisons in the coast towns. -The most significant region was the Green Mountain and a very fertile region and it was home to self governing tribal people -This region is linked to the medetarrian because of trade routes that link down into Chad and Egypt. -The tribal structure was defined by hierarchy and the arab elites. -Rural Barqa was tied to the commercial trade to Chad and Egypt -Livestock was a major export for them. -There share and trade lasted longer than Fazain because of politics. Chad and Egypt was under British and Fazain was under French. The intersection between French and British colonial role created a grey area which benefit Barqa -Like in Algeria we see a sufi order named Sanusiyya. They were a new movement who were re- ligious movement lead by a sufi leader who came fromAlgeria and his name was Muh. b.Ali al - Sanusi (d. 1859) and in 1842 he decided to ally himself with tribal figures here and leftAlgeria because they were now under French rule. In the years that followed the movement created lodges (zawiya) that extended from Barqa to Egypt to Chad and they were educational places. -The political relations between the Ottomans and the Sanusiyya was not a good one. The Sanusiyya was self governing and the odd time they would say they had a verbal connection to the Ottomans when they needed something. They saw and accepted helped from the Italian gov- ernment because they wanted to stop the French colonial expansion of Chad and they knew that Italy would help them stop French expansion but in the end they could not do anything and stop the French. -The Italian invasion of Libya in 1911 changed the balance of power and if you are with the Ital- ians or against the Italians. -This was a blow to Istanbul and they were finding ways to go against them -This made Istanbul get colonial land in Tripoli. -There was a brief battle between the ottomans and the Italians -The Ottomans with Italy signed a peace treaty in 1912 because there was battles going on in the Balkan lands. Istanbul needed to focus there attention their. The Ottoman government will recog- nize the independence of Barqa and Libya. Italy can still have their influence there as well. The Italian army was unable to get the land of Fazarian. They tried to play off local interests off dif- ferent tribal leaders. On the eve of WW1 Italy had claimed it but they could not get it because of guerilla tactics and they could not capture and hold it. -Opened war fare resumed in Libya and Italy joined theAllies and the Ottomans and Germans are against theAllies and they are encouraging anti-Italian forces in Libya. Ahmad al - Sharif (he was the Sultan in Barqa) goes against both the British and the Italians. The British in Egypt killed a lot of people and Sharif fled Barqa because of his bad war tactics. -Idris al -Mahdi (d. 1983) He takes over from Sharif and is pro British and signs a peace treaty with them and the Italians. He recognized Italy’s control of Tripoli and the Italy’s recognized that the sufis and the inter were independent. -The Tripolitan Republic in 1918 was a group of four leaders and they were politics in Ottoman during the first world war. The interior was given to the Tripolitan Republic and Italy can have the costal regions.After 1922 when the Fascist of Mussolini took over he was hostile towards the Tripolitan Republic. -The Fascist Era: Libya was to become Italy’s fourth shore. Mussolini ruled directly through the government. This is similar to France inAlgeria. Mussolini wanted to have Italian colonist settle the Libyan land and for them to come under direct Italian rule. To change the indigenous popula- tion with Europeans and change the way of life. The indigenous population is deprived of their land, food, etc, This is called settler colonist. This happened in 15 years and it was aggressive and quick and Mussolini did what he could to do this, they took over the Fazian and Tripolitia. It would be wiser to bend with the wind than be destroyed. It was their duty to resistance Italian rule because this was their homeland and Islam was their religion. The Italians found themselves at war with the population. They build consternation camps to starve out the guerillas of Omar al Matar who was the one who started this war because they did not want Italian rule and he was captured and hung in public. -The way had been cleared for a full way colonial construction happen in Libya. By the end of 1930s the towns of Tripoli and Baqa were 30% Italian. Moreover were the 100 000 Italians leav- ing in the coastal regions. Italian peasant populations were but into these regions in Libya. The Italians looked to what the French did inAlgeria. Modern Italians were jus
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