POL305Y1 Study Guide - Final Guide: Cinco De Mayo, Camilo Cienfuegos, Cuban Exile
ProfessorJuan Pereira Marsiaj
This preview shows pages 1-3. to view the full 33 pages of the document.
Getulio Vargas, president and dictator of Brazil from 1930-1945, and
from 1951 to 1954
the provisory government (1930-34), the constitutional government
(1934-37), Estado Novo (1937-45), and elected president (1951-54).
Nationalist, feared communism
revered by his followers as the Father of the Poor
Vargas relied on populism, the mass support of the people, to gain
· As a Ministry of Labor, he rallied the support of the masses from
urban areas which helped him
rise to power.
· Because he treated the average Brazilian with respect, he received
their support. He appealed to the middle class. He promised them
improved economic status, education, and health care, but he failed on
· Vargas crushed a leftist uprising in 1935. Fifteen thousand people
wer e arrested and many were tortured. Anything associated with
communism was repressed and censored.
· Vargas used censorship against the people and filled the prisons with
suspected dissidents under his Estado Novo regime. Journalists and
novelists were also discouraged from criticizing the government.
· Under Estado Novo, strikes were considered crimes and unions were
strictly controlled by the government.
The poor condition of the economy caused Vargas to announce that the
minimum wage would double.
· Due to Brazil’s alliance with the allies in WWII, Vargas declared war
on Germany, Italy, and Japan. This resulted in Brazilians with German,
Italian, and Japanese heritage to be sent to concentration camps.
· Minorities were discriminated against by the army when entrance into
military schools depended on one’s race, religion, family, and political
· As a nationalist, Vargas believed in promoting self-growth in the
country without the help of others. He helped modernize Brazil.
· Vargas had to help lessen the huge impact of the depression on Brazil.
Coffee prices plummeted in 1929.
· A minimum wage and other labor legislation were passed by Vargas
Augusto Pinochet, leader of the military junta that overthrew the socialist
government of President Salvador Allende of Chile on Sept. 11, 1973, and head of
Chile’s military government (1974–90).
Pinochet was named head of the victorious junta’s governing council, and he
moved to crush Chile’s liberal opposition; in its first three years, the regime
arrested approximately 130,000, many of whom were tortured. In June 1974
Pinochet assumed sole power as president, relegating the rest of the junta to an
Pinochet was determined to exterminate leftism in Chile and to reassert free-
market policies in the country’s economy. His junta was widely condemned for its
harsh suppression of dissent, even though its reversal of the Allende
government’s socialist policies resulted in a lower rate of inflation and an
economic boom in the period from 1976 to 1979. A modest political liberalization
began in 1978 after the regime announced that, in a plebiscite, 75 percent of the
electorate had endorsed Pinochet’s rule.
Under a new constitution promulgated in March 1981, Pinochet remained
president for an eight-year term until 1989, when a national referendum would
determine whether he served an additional eight-year term. During the 1980s,
Pinochet’s free-market policies were credited with maintaining a low rate of
inflation and an acceptable rate of economic growth despite a severe recession
in 1980–83. Pinochet permitted no meaningful political opposition, but he
fulfilled his constitutional obligation to hold the plebiscite scheduled, which took
place earlier than mandated in October 1988. The result was a “no” vote of 55
percent and a “yes” vote of 43 percent. Although rejected by the electorate,
Pinochet remained in office until free elections installed a new president, the
Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin, on March 11, 1990.
As commander of the armed forces until 1998, Pinochet frequently thwarted
human-rights prosecutions against members of the security forces. After
stepping down, he became a senator-for-life, a post granted to former presidents
under the 1981 constitution. Later in 1998, while visiting London, he was
detained by British authorities after Spain requested his extradition in
connection with the torture of Spanish citizens in Chile during his rule. The
unprecedented case stirred worldwide controversy and galvanized human-rights
organizations in Chile. The United States and other countries were prompted to
release formerly classified documents concerning Chileans who had
Only pages 1-3 are available for preview. Some parts have been intentionally blurred.
which greatly benefitted workers..
· One of his greatest accomplishments was building the country through
the Great Depression and the polarization of the opposing far right and
far left political parties.
· He emphasized industry and oversaw the nationalization of oil and
· The 1934 Constitution strengthened executive powers, improved
workers’ rights and restricted unions, allowed the nationalization of
industries, and permitted the military police to violently repress
unauthorized strikes. It was very liberal and reflected a transition in
the country. It helped alleviate the chaos of several rebellions.
· In 1934, Vargas established a Social Security system for Brazil.
· In 1937, Vargas dissolves Congress and assumes dictatorial powers.
This new regime was called Estado Novo. The communist plan that
intended to murder some politicians created fear and gave an excuse for
Vargas’ total control. Estado Novo
· The Administrative Department of Public Service (DASP) was created
to modernize civil service.
· An election should have taken place in 1943; however, Vargas extended
his term until 1944 due to instability brought about by WWII. Although
he refused to leave in 1944, the people were becoming dissatisfies with
him and wanted a democracy. Vargas left the position of president in
1945 in order to avoid a coup.
· Vargas’ return as president was largely unsuccessful because the
previous leaders left huge debts and foreign trade had slowed.
· Vargas joined the Western powers in WWII and benefitted
economically from increased trade.
· Vargas placed high tariffs on incoming goods in order to promote
Brazilian goods. He utilized Import Substitute Industrialization (ISI)
during his presidency to encourage domestic goods by placing subsidies
on them and discouraging foreign goods with tariffs.
· He encourages industry with long term government loans at low rates,
tax incentives, and import quotas.
· Vargas was essential in the establishment of heavy industry in Brazil.
Steel mills were built because of the funds that Vargas negotiated with
the United States and the United Kingdom. This was the foundation for
“disappeared”—were kidnapped and presumably killed by the Pinochet regime.
The disclosures brought to light details of Operation Colombo, in which more
than 100 Chilean leftists had disappeared in 1975, and Operation Condor, in
which several South American military governments coordinated their efforts to
systematically eliminate opponents in the 1970s and ’80s. In January 2000
Pinochet was allowed to return home after a British court ruled that he was
physically unfit to stand trial. Nevertheless, he continued to face investigations
by Chilean authorities.
Later in 2000 Pinochet was stripped of his immunity from prosecution—which
he had enjoyed as a former president—and ordered to stand trial on charges of
human-rights abuses (in Chile immunity is lifted on a case-by-case basis). The
charges were dropped in 2002, however, after Chile’s Supreme Court upheld a
ruling that he was mentally incapable of defending himself in court. Soon
afterward Pinochet resigned his post as a senator-for-life. In 2005 he was again
stripped of immunity and ordered to stand trial on charges stemming from
Operation Colombo and on separate charges relating to tax evasion.
At the beginning of his time in office, Pinochet endorsed a group of economists
known as the Chicago Boys, nicknamed for their devotion to University of
Chicago economist Milton Friedman's free-market theories. The group practice
economic shock therapy on the country, and although their extreme version of
laissez faire produced initial results, the country also experienced high inflation
and growing unemployment in the 1980s after a series of bad investments. The
policies of the Chicago Boys were also thought to increase the already
substantial income disparity in Chile between the upper and lower classes.
Despite these drawbacks, though, the Chicago Boys' policies founded the
prosperous, Americanized urban sprawl, which, for better or for worse,
characterizes modern Chilean cities. The Chicago Boys achieved an annual
economic growth rate of seven percent, a figure three times the overall Latin
American average. By offering generous incentives to foreign investors and
privatizing business, Pinochet's government transformed Chile into a modern
land of plenty and boosted life expectancy, salaries, access to health services,
and educational standards above those of any other Latin American country.
Chile today is one of Latin America's richest nations, complete with cell phones,
laptops, and all the modern technologies, and begrudgingly has Pinochet largely
to thank for its success.
Only pages 1-3 are available for preview. Some parts have been intentionally blurred.
future electricity and petroleum companies.
· Vargas sent the Brazilian Expeditionary Force to fight Italy. This was
a battle against European Fascism, something that Vargas’ Estado Novo
was based off. Consequently, the people began to oppose Estado Novo
and Vargas supported democratizing the country after WWII.
Ernesto Geisel 15 Mar 1974 - 15 Mar 1979
Geisel supported the Revolution of 1930 led by Getúlio Dorneles Vargas.
Geisel served in a variety of military and civil administrative posts
including secretary-ship of the local governments in Rio Grande do
Norte (1931) and Paraíba (1934, 1935). In 1945 Geisel played an
important part in the military coup against Vargas. Geisel was a choice
of the outgoing presidentEmílio Garrastazu Médici and the military
oligarchy for installation as the next President of the Republic. The
election of 15 Jan 1974 was also contested by the opposition, but to no
avail as the electoral college, controlled by the pro-governmental
National Renewal Alliance Party (Aliança Renovadora Nacional), voted
for Geisel. Inaugurated as president, Geisel initiated gradual
liberalization (abertura) of the military regime, but he kept a strong
hold on state power invigorated by the Institutional Acts. The
administration permitted open legislative elections in 1974, where the
legal opposition gained more seats than it had before. Geisel pursued a
middle path between the supporters of democratic freedoms and
military hardliners. Using his extraordinary powers, he removed
opposition legislators and placed the Congress in recess whenever he
failed to obtain necessary legislation by constitutional means. In 1977
he reaffirmed the Falcão law providing for indirect election of state
governors and approving constitutional amendments by a simple
majority of votes. During the presidency of Geisel, Brazilian economy
maintained a rapid growth rate. A new economic policy, "pragmatic
nationalism," called for development of domestic industry. At the end of
his term Geisel agreed to the demands of conservatives not to allow
direct elections of president, but the regime formally abolished
censorship and repealed (31 Dec 1978) the Institutional Act No. 5, a
source of extraordinary power for the military presidents since 1968.
Giesel was unable to win a free popular election, had a commitment to
Concertacion aka the Concert of Parties for Democracy
a coalition of center-leftpolitical parties in Chile, founded in 1988. Presidential
candidates under its banner won every election from when military rule
ended in 1990 until the conservative candidateSebastián Piñera won the Chilean
presidential election in 2010.
In 1987 General Augusto Pinochet, the de-facto President of Chile, legalized the
political parties and called a plebiscite to determine whether or not he would
remain in power. Several parties, including the Christian Democracy,
the Socialist Party and the Radical Party, gathered in theAlianza
Democrática (Democratic Alliance). In 1988, several more parties, including
the Humanist Party, the Ecologist Party, the Social Democrats, and several
Socialist Party splinter groups added their support, despite fears of election
fraud by Pinochet, and the "Concertación de Partidos por el NO" ("Coalition of
Parties for NO") was formed in an attempt to overthrow the General.
During the electionary period, the Coalition organized a colorful and cheerful
campaign under the slogan "La alegría ya viene" ("Joy is coming"). Some
Socialist factions were the last to join, because they were reluctant to work in
the plebiscite, fearing an election fraud by Pinochet. On October 5, 1988, the
"NO" vote won with a 54% majority, and a general election was called for 1989.
In that year, the coalition changed their name to Concertación de Partidos por la
Democracia ("Concert of Parties for Democracy") and put forward Patricio
Aylwin, the Christian Democrat leader, as a presidential candidate, as well as
launching a common list for the parliamentary elections. In elections the
following year, Aylwin won and the coalition gained the majority of votes for the
parliament. However, due to the binomial system, they had no majority in
parliament, a situation they found themselves in constantly for over 15 years.
This forced them to negotiate all law projects with the right-wing parties,
theUnión Demócrata Independiente (UDI) and Renovación Nacional (RN) (later
coalesced into the Alliance for Chile).
You're Reading a Preview
Unlock to view full version