July 30th 1st reading summary.docx

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University of Toronto St. George
Political Science
Vic Falkenheim

th July 30 Chapter 1 p.1-32 “Comparative Perspectives on Democratic legitimacy in East Asia” by Yun han chu, Larry Diamond, Andrew J. Nathan and Doh Chull Shin  Most E Asain third wave democracies have suffered troubles: inconclusive/disputed electoral outcomes, incessant political strife, patisan fridlock, recurring political scandals o E.g. Taiwan and Manila: both tried to bring down incumbent leaders through “people’s power” because they lost hope in efficacy of democracy Thailand: 2006 a political crisis triggered a military coup  Suggested reason: they suffer from fragile foundations of legitimation =nostalgia for the authoritarian past =lack of support to new democracies e.g. Japan, if the democracy is secure, there should be authoritarian detachment (less support) instead of positive feelings about performance of democracy  Emergence and stability of democracy -> affected by many forces: 1. elite interactions 2. economic development 3. international environment 4. popular attitudes (crucial factor) Proof: - late 1950s, Lipset presented relationship among 2 and democracy. he also showed that 4 including political beliefs, values and attitudes intervene variables in the relationship b/n 2 and democracy  -1963 Almond and Verba showed that elements of 4 are shaped by life experiences, education, social class - 1980 Inkeles and Diamond presented more direct evidence of relationship b/n 2 and 4 including democratic cultural attributes and stable democracy conclusion from Inkeles, political culture may be a crucial link b/n 2 and democracy  Theorists of 1960s and early 1970s took political culture as autonomous factor shaping democracy’s evolution, also emphasize of formation of elite patterns and decisions  Dankwart Rustow was the classic model of democratic transition - he identified 4 phases 1. National unity 2. Democratization process is set off by a prolonged, inconclusive struggle over important socio-economic-political cleavages 3. Decision phase -> results in institutionalization of crucial aspects of democratic procedure  4. Habituation -> during which elites and citizens both submit to democratic rules of contestation  political and intellectual trends in social sciences during 1970s-1980s challenged political culture theory -most of them emphasize on social cultures, elite transactions, political institution -e.g. Guillermo O’Donnell argues that experiences of many Latin American countries directly challenged the prediction s that modernization would entail parallel process of economic development and democratization  -e.g. second generation of democratic-transition theory by O’Donnell, Schmitter and Whitehead etc emphasized on the analysis of choices and strategic interactions among contending elites within both the authoritarian regime and democratic opposition  in 1990s political culture emphasize on comparative study of democracy because of 2 reasons 1. The surge of theoretical and empirical attention to the process of democratic consolidation 2. The growth of mass belief in democratic legitimacy as the core element of the process  Found out that Public attitudes are not the SOLE determinant of the fragility of democratic regime -> have to work in combination with other factors - suggested reason: there are 6 domains of the complex democratic consolidation (read table 1.1 on p.5) - Out of 6, (mass public) x (norms and belief) is crucial to consolidation -reason: no democratic system can be secured without asking for a long term and deep level of mass support = the core process of consolidation is legitimation  Conclusion: democracies become consolidated only when both significant elites and overwhelming proportion of ordinary citizens (mass) see democracy - reason: at broad and deep legitimation, all significant political actors at both elite and mass levels would believe that democratic regime is the most RIGHT AND APPROPRIATE (best form and best quality being supplied) for the society, better than any alternatives  Aside from third-wave transitions (sam Huntington) and associated developments in theorizing about democracy the East Asia Barometer (EAB) launched in 2000 - first collaborative initiative toward a network of democracy studies based on surveying ordinary citizens - survey on attitudes and values towards politics, governance, democracy, reform, citizens’ political actions -june 2001-feb 2003, 1 round of comparative survey in 8 places with diff trajectories of regime evolution/ transition: Japan, S Korea, Mongolia, Taiwan, Philippines, Thailand, HK, China -2005 2 round of survey at: Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, Malaysia, Singapore st - 1 survey results: allow us to compare the popular legitimation of democracy across the regions 5 new democracies Japan= only long-established democracy in the region HK= worlds highest economic freedom but slow transition of democracy after handover in 1997 China= one party authoritarian system with rapid social-economic transformation but resist to fundamental political change patterns of mass attitudes towards democracy in our region to those in other regions  EAB is different from any other surveys because it looks more closely towards democracy -thus it can conclude that popular support for democracy is a dynamic phenomenon -reason: citizens of new democracies compare the current regime with previous one and often shift their views of democratic politics as they gain more knowledge and experience -it is multidimensional: involves democratic beliefs and rejection of nondemocratic alternatives -it is multilevel: citizens evaluate democracy as both ideal political system and in practice East Asian Democracies in Global Perspective 5 major puzzles of this region (support Fukuyama’s Asian exceptionalism) -ultimately show that history of political developments carried important implications for the growth of democracy in democratic legitimately emerging political systems 1. E Asia has partially defied the global movement toward democracy - although current wave of democratization started in 1974, E Asia had made limited progress in comparison to other countries - Freedom House’s standards: in 2005 only 6 out of 8 soverign states and autonomous territories were ranked “free”; among 6, ony 5 became democratic according to third wave: S Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, Mongolia, Philippines 2. E Asia presents a perplexing juxtaposition for modernization theory -delivers 2 of the most compelling cases Taiwan and S Korea to support that modernization is a coherent process that produces a certain uniformity of economic and political institutions across diff regions/cultures Singapore and Malaysia to challenge the predictions above as Singapore is the most economically developed authoritarian state ever 3. Authoritarian remains a fierce competitor to democracy in E Asia - liberal democracy has not yet established as the only option in E Asia because of the sustained interest in “Asian vales” - also, new democracies in E Asia seem to face a lot of probems such
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