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SOC102 Questioning Sociology (ALL READINGS FOR THE EXAM)

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Department
Sociology
Course
SOC102H1
Professor
Lorne Tepperman
Semester
Fall

Description
Questioning Sociology Chapter 2 – Who am I? Who can I become? INTRODUCTION - Feminists argue that socially dominant groups tend to (mis)take their own identity for a naturally occurring norm, thus those designated as the ‘other’ (e.g., women) have questioned how they become ‘who we are’ - SANDRA BARTKY o Psychological alienation  the social definition of what it means to be a woman historically has been authored by male experts and robs women of self-determination - Selfhood  a specific form of identity that informs our sense of what we are and therefore what it is possible for us to do o Captures the meaning that our social presence has for us o Sustains a degree of predictability in our encounters with others - For adults, the routine work entitled in reconstituting self occurs below ordinary consciousness - For adolescence, figuring out who we are and what we want to be is an urgent task o Heightened awareness of the gendered and sexualized nature of our social identities - Girls’ studies  a distinct field of inquiry in recognizing what the often extravagant displays of selfhood mean to the youth o Interviewed 28 girls between the ages of 12 and 16 o Explored how girls talk about their social presence at school o Doing girlhood  identity projects - The understanding of adolescent selfhood has been influenced by developmental psychologists, who view adolescence as a time of stress and storm (e.g., as a time of risk) o Girls risk a lowering of their self-esteem, which sets the stage for many problems o Femininity requires adoption of a subordinate identity valued for passivity and compliance - We challenge the view of girls as victims of adolescent femininity through an exploration of their agency o Agency  what girls say and do o Power  processes that make some ways of being sayable and doable, and others not o On the one hand, girls play an active role in defining who they are and whom they want to become o On the other hand, doing gender shape who we are and limit our capacity to be otherwise o Understanding what girls say and do requires recognition of both the pressures on youth to take up conventional ways of being and their ability to resist processes that reconstitute girls’ subordination to boys - Our work explores the way that girls’ subjectivities are constituted through discourse o Discourse  ways of thinking and talking that bring social reality into existence  Coordinates with girls’ talk with ways of acting, interacting, valuing, believing, feeling with bodies, clothes, non-linguistic symbols, objects, tools, technologies, times and places o Cliques  semi-autonomous spheres of cultural production that sustain particular discourses about girlhood POLICING CONVENTIONAL GIRLHOOD: POPULAR GIRLS - Popular girls  enact and reinforce conformity to conventional femininity - Being identified as a member of the popular crowd is desirable o Popularity is a source of personal power  Known and recognized by classmates o Fitting in is a source of constant stress  Avoid negative peer labels  Desire to keep up with the trends that made girls popular, which change all the time - Popularity  be cool, wear the right clothes, talk the right way, hang out with the right crowd, keep up your reputation - Embracing geekiness  challenges the image of girls as lacking self-esteem and turning negative judgements inward o Signals girls’ ability to escape conventional identity norms o Suggests that girlhood can be re-written BEING WHO YOU ARE: ALTERNATIVE GIRLS - Dress  one of the most visible representations of gender and most policed aspect of self-representation  culturally encoded - Alternative girls  consciously construct identities that make them distinct from popular girls o Dress opened possibilities for oppositional self-presentation o Dress does not simply signal girlhood as an identity label, but shapes what it is possible for girls to do o Dress is an expression of resistance to the pressure for conformity - Emphasized femininity  a form of femininity that is based on women’s compliance with their subordination to men, and oriented to accommodating the interests and desires of men o Most culturally valued form of femininity o Route to social approval and power o Related to the notion of heterosexual matrix (BUTLER)  a hegemonic discursive model of gender intelligibility that assumes that for bodies to cohere and make sense, there must be a stable sex expressed through stable gender that is defined through the compulsory practice of heterosexuality - What gives alternative girls their power to be otherwise? o Feminism is NOT an influence for their resistance to emphasized femininity o Individualism  the way that alternative girls talked about ‘being yourself ‘  Allowed the authenticity of self-representation  To claim a core identity that constitutes a sense of selfhood  To be unique  To resist the social pressures  To search for authentic selfhood  To claim identities that are devalued within practices of emphasized femininity  To reflect on ‘realizing you are a woman’ o Breaking age  trying to figure out who you are, and what you want to do  To explore you who really are with girlfriends o The freedom to think about new possibilities for doing girlhood TRANSFORMING GIRLHOOD? FROM PERSONAL TO SOCIAL CHANGE - Transformative agency  to rewrite girlhood as a social identity, rather than a personal identity - DURKHEIM  sociology should be concerned with social structures as enduring, ordered, and patterned social relationships into which individuals are born o Social structures predate any individual and determine the life paths of individuals o Social structures are sites for agency - Critics argue that sociology should study the way by which individuals create the world around them - ANTHONY GIDDENS o Structuration  the mutual dependency of human agency and social structure  Social structures should not be seen as barriers to individual action  Social structures are implicated in an individual’s ability to act o Reflexivity  the way in which individuals monitor their aspirations and behaviour in response to the flow of social life o Reflexive modernization  the period of modernization that has enhanced the reflexive nature of social life through proliferation of communication technology and easier access to knowledge  Our agency has enlarged by expanding individuals’ capacity to orient themselves in the social world  Our histories are not predetermined  Our biographies have become personal projects characterized by mobility and flexibility  Lifelong projects of self-production - Decentralization  gender, class, and family roles no longer have a determining influence on individuals in Western societies - LISA ADKINS o The proponents of reflexive modernization  Fail to illustrate empirically how and whether individuals are truly free from the constraints that accompany being socially designated as women  Fail to consider the social distribution of the resources that make personal choice meaningful o The thesis itself is gendered  Men have benefited from the kinds of freedoms posited by reflexive modernization  Women have not been freed from having to subordinated their individual aspirations and biographies to the needs of others INDIVIDUALISM AND THE LIMITS OF REFLEXIVITY - Girls’ search for selfhood entails many factors that go beyond school culture o Other people (e.g., parents, siblings, teachers) play an important role in the identity projects of young girls - Neo-liberal discourse of selfhood  values autonomy and self-determination o Enables girls to position themselves against conventional femininity by taking up ‘me, myself, and I’ as part of a struggle to gain a voice - Self  historically specific and culturally linked practice of self-production - Selfhood  culturally specific way of achieving and maintaining a social presence, linked to the competitive individualism of contemporary consumer culture - Larger economic, political, and institutional processes remain hidden in girls’ talk of authenticity - Socially approved identity projects require the display of the right symbolic capital (e.g., clothes, makeup, attitude) o While dress and self-presentation were also important to the alternative girls, their identity projects were characterized by self-conscious rejection of symbols associated with both consumption and conventional girlhood CONCLUSION - Self  an object of introspection - Reflexivity  girls are able to reflect on and actively negotiate the conditions of their gendered performances o Fosters the reflexive thinking about selfhood o Limits the transformative potential of girls’ agency  The ability to speak oneself into an alternative existence requires the belief in gender equality - Sexism was easily dismissed o Many girls claim that while feminism might have been necessary in the past when women faced barriers to their self- determination, it is no longer needed - Detraditionalization  the pressures toward conventional femininity are erased - Individualism o Mystifies the operation of power in everyday life o Prevents us from seeing that we make our own worlds under conditions that we have not chosen - There is little evidence that conventional gendered norms sustaining inequality no longer influence girls’ thinking about who they can be and who they can become Questioning Sociology Chapter 13 – Is social welfare viable? INTRODUCTION - Few Canadians advocate for complete individual responsibility for citizen well-being - Canadians have decided that social welfare is viable and should survive th - State-provided social services have existed in some form since the 19 century - Social welfare programs developed in the years following WWII o There was a social climate of solidarity  People worked together in pursuit of a common cause  People were responsible for protecting each other from a variety of social, economic, and political risks - JOHN MAYNARD KEYNES  architect for post-war economic management in industrialized countries o In times of economic downturn, national governments should establish social programs to ensure that people would still have enough money to purchase goods (e.g., state-provided services) o Keynesian welfare state  governments were to finance social programs by increasing taxes (in economic growth) and by deficit spending (in economic slowdown) o The basic assumptions of the Keynesian social welfare structure were disrupted by  Globalizing economies  Transformations in labour markets  Changing family formations - Neo-liberalism  new approach to the governance of economies and social life in Western societies between 1980 and 2008 o Response to the perceived failures of Keynesianism  High levels of public debt  Declining economic competitiveness  Culture of entitlement  created a passive, dependent citizenry with a weak work ethic o The social programs of the Keynesian welfare state were reformed or terminated o The exchange of goods and financial transactions were deregulated o The idea of solidarity (e.g., collective responsibility) was replaced with an emphasis on the competitive individual who was to address his or her needs in the market (e.g., individual responsibility) - Financial crisis (2008)  undermined the belief that markets could reliably ensure the health of national economies  revisited the Keynesian prescription of financial stimulus as a means to recovery - Debt crises (Europe)  refuelled neo-liberal arguments DEFINING SOCIAL WELFARE - Social welfare  programs that fall into three major categories o Education (e.g., primary, secondary, post-secondary) o Health (e.g., hospital care, doctor visits) o Income supports (old age and disability pensions, unemployment insurance, student loans, minimum wage) - Some social welfare programs are delivered as direct services (e.g., school, hospital) - Other social welfare programs are provided indirectly through the tax system (e.g., tuition and textbook tax credit, RRSP) - Our eligibility for social welfare is determined on a variety of bases o Universal (e.g., access to health care) o Contributory (e.g., EI, Canada/Quebec Pension Plan)  All workers and employers pay a portion of their earnings into these schemes  Contributions do not guarantee access to benefits when people need them o Means-tested (e.g., social assistance, welfare)  Social assistance was a key site of neo-liberal policy reform in most Canadian provinces THE KEYNESIAN WELFARE STATE - Keynes’ ideas were adopted in Canada, but had to be modified to the country’s unique circumstances - Keynes’ state relied on relatively closed national economies that would enable national governments to increase or decrease levels of demand in order to mediate fluctuations in the market 1) Canada’s economy has been open and export-driven since the arrival of European settlers o Susceptible to demand from international markets 2) Constitutional jurisdiction over social policy lies within the provinces o Provincial agreement is a prerequisite for federal social policy initiatives o Key rationales for social welfare’s survival  Social programs demonstrates to voters that their governments are actually doing something for them  Engages governments in articulating a sense of common identity  Builds solidarity among citizens  Increases support for a particular provincial (or federal) administration o Quebec  social programs are integral to the articulation and protection of Quebec’s distinctiveness - Keynesian policy included the payment of a family wage to workers o Grounded in the idea that men and women had distinct roles  Men’s salaries were relatively high in order to provide for their wives and children  Women would attend to the needs of the family, with some support through social programs o Criticisms  Recent immigrant and racial minority families were often excluded due to wage discrimination  Two-parent, single-earner family had to be reinforced through law  New tax measures were implemented that severely penalized families in which both spouses had incomes  Employers were allowed to refuse to hire married women  Women did not have the right to demand the same wage as men for performing the same work  Divorces were difficult to obtain  Women could not establish bank accounts or acquire credit without the husband’s permission  Sexual assault laws did not recognize rape within the context of marriage as a crime THE CRISIS OF THE WELFARE STATE - The viability of the Keynesian model was disputed in the 1980s o Globalization  challenged the capacity and desire of governments to protect national economies o Pressures to reduce public spending and to encourage citizens’ involvement in their own governance  increased the appeal of decentralization o Political urgency of shielding people from social risk had diminished - The pressing issues were government deficits, stagnating economies, rising unemployment and inflation, and moral decay - Anglo-American governments focused on the expenses and the consequences of social programs o Social welfare engendered grave misuses of programs, undermined people’s willingness to work, and created a dependent citizenry o Pay equity (equal pay for work of equal value) and employment equity laws (to improve the representation of women, disabled people, visible minorities, and Aboriginal people in large government and corporate workplaces) were resisted or withdrawn  too expensive, and valued quota fulfillment more than merit - Canadian governments implemented a series of measures to reduce benefits, tighten eligibility criteria, and detect fraud o Measured the success of their reforms in terms of caseload reductions (the number of people removed from welfare) o Invested little energy in determining what became of people who could no longer count on public assistance AFTER THE WELFARE STATE - The resolution of the crisis of the welfare state was due to neo-liberal strategies of (1) privatization, (2) marketization, (3) decentralization, (4) individualization, (5) familialization - Neo-liberal welfare state o To reduce the role of the state in the private sphere (e.g., market, community, home) o To resituate responsibility for public services to the level of the government that would be most responsive to the needs of specific communities o To create a virtuous cycle  Less regulation of markets and increased emphasis on the provision of social services through the market would encourage greater responsiveness to people’s needs  Competition would keep costs low and encourage innovation  Revitalized market would generate jobs and decrease need for social programs  Reduction of income support programs would ensure that workers would be available and willing to work and drive down wages through competition in the labour market  Fewer social programs would reduce the cost of governing and contribute to more robust national accounts, reduced taxes, and an enhanced climate for investment  Innovation and competition would encourage hard-working people to reach their potential o Reconfigured social programs state  Shift from security  choice and responsibility  People should be free to select services that bested suit their needs and to pursue interests that would contribute to self-development  Possibility of negative consequences from poor choices would inspire people to make decisions with care o Feminist critics of neo-liberalism  Reduced hospital and long-term care budgets  increased reliance on the wife, mother, or daughter  goes back to Keynesian ideas about the gendered division of labour THE NEW SOCIAL WELFARE - Effort for a neo-liberal reconfiguration of Canada’s social policy o Many people were displeased with elements of the Keynesian welfare state, but they did not see the resolution to the concerns lying in greater reliance on the private sphere o Must proceed carefully around programs that had most successfully articulated a collective Canadian identity  Public health care system is the most important defining feature of the Canadian identity  Notions of collective identity and mutual obligation remain resilient in the face of neo-liberal alternatives o Canadians accepted post-war social programs as passive, overly generous handouts that provide too soft a cushion o Canadians have been persuaded by proposals for the creation of an active citizenry (e.g., citizens need to become more responsible for their own well-being rather than blaming the system) - Neo-liberal policy reform was originally a “slash-and-burn” approach o European governments and OECD concerned about the negative social consequences of strict neo-liberal policies o Canadian policy-makers shifted from cutbacks to policies that focused on strategic development - DENIS SAINT-MARTIN o Social investment state  new social policy that emphasized opportunity and future  the child as its key figure  The innocence of children made it possible for governments to demonstrate their commitment to citizens while embracing neo-liberal individualism o Liberal government  National Child Benefit (1997)  Provided to families with children  Offered on a sliding scale (e.g., ↑ income = ↓ benefit)  Included a supplement for families with very low incomes  Invested in early childhood education  Negotiated with the provinces to increase access to child care o Conservative government  Universal Child Care Benefit Program (2006)  Goes against the neo-liberal reform  Replaced a more expensive child care initiative  Provides a larger benefit to two-parent, single-earner families that were sufficiently wealthy to enable one adult to withdraw from paid work  Low value ($100/month/child under 6) o Taxable o Reduced for income earners  Unable to claim that it is ‘providing choice in child care’  Indicates a negotiation between neo-liberalism and moral conservatism  Represents a modest investment in the future CONCLUSION - The ongoing viability of social welfare is a product of a particular historical moment in which the fiscal crisis of the state became the focus of public policy - Neo-liberal ideologies o Focus on the elimination public responsibility for personal well-being o Full-scale public withdrawal from the care of citizens was never considered o Social welfare is a key instrument of governance  Legitimating governments  Integrating citizens into the prevailing mode of economic production  Articulating a national identity - The differences in the way that social welfare is conceived and its purposes o Keynesian social welfare system  Established social programs that strengthened Canada’s post-war economy  Reinforced the single-breadwinner, two-parent nuclear family  Gendered division of labour  Built a sense of national identity o Neo-liberalism  Attempted to articulate the relationships among citizens, the market, and the state  Globalized economy is supported by active labour market policies  Competitive labour market  Enhanced choices for service provision  Increased personal responsibility for forming and maintaining the ties that bind  Signs of stress are apparent  Concerns about the adequacy of private service provision  Inability of low-wage work to provide an adequate income  Inattention to work-family balance  Consequences of budget reductions on public services - The viability of any specific social welfare order depends on whether it establishes a mutually reinforcing and supportive relationship among the citizens, the market, and the state Questioning Sociology Chapter 15 – Is there justice for young people? INTRODUCTION - Differing conceptions of justice in a section that underscores the (dis)connection between rights and justice - Three instances of injustice experienced by young persons o Child poverty o Racism confronting Aboriginal youth o Dislocation of girls under law - Silencing of young people in Western society WHAT IS JUSTICE? - Fundamental ambiguity of the word justice itself o Bureaucratic structure of administering the legal process (e.g., Department of Justice) o Law and legislation to imply the impartiality of the system (e.g., YCJA) o Connection with law-and-order campaigns in which victims declare that they are owed retribution for pain suffered o Ethic of punishment that delivers obvious signs of unpleasantness to offenders o Public’s desire to amend law, often in relation to existing but flawed legislation that seemingly promotes injustice - Youth were governed under the Young Offenders Act before the Youth Criminal Justice Act (2003) became law o Hailed as inequitable for not sufficiently taking into account the victims of juvenile deviance o Blamed for victimization, and that tougher legislation would prevent the harm done to the injured - Justice is intimately connected with inalienable and omnipresent rights enshrined under legislation o Charter of Rights and Freedoms (1982)  guarantees Canadian citizens and permanent residents the following  Freedom of conscience and religion  Freedom of thought, belief, and expression  Freedom of association  Right to vote  Right to life, liberty, and security of person - Movement toward assigning rights to children went through three fundamental stages o Laissez-fair philosophy (e.g., children were considered parental property) o Humanitarian and sentimental rationale (e.g., children as a separate class of partially informed individuals) o Current discourse (e.g., children as people entitled to individual rights) - Turning point in rights allocation for youth o United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (November 20, 1989)  an expression of a moral stand, and of a legal agreement and international obligation  unanimously adopted  Adopted by Canada in 1991, which comprised of 41 articles divided into two broad categories  Civil and political rights (e.g., right to self-determination and protection from arbitrary arrest)  Economic, social, and cultural rights (e.g., right to health care and education and freedom of religion) o HAMMARBERG  Human rights and protections set out by the convention can be divided into three broad groups  Provision  afforded basic welfare (e.g., survival, development, education, to be cared for by parents)  Protection  sheltered from abuse, economic exploitation, discrimination, neglect  Participation  freedom of speech, freedom of religion, right of expression - Despite Canada’s agreement to abide by the convention, substantial gaps remain between the state’s promise and reality o General lack of awareness among youth about the convention and the their rights o PETERSON-BADALI and ABRAMOVICH  study of high school students in 1992  Very few youth could identify the most basic legal principles (e.g., the youth court’s age jurisdiction)  Many youth were certain that their lawyer was obliged to inform their parents and the judge what they revealed in confidence - Equating rights with justice is spurious o Rights conventions are of little utility when their intricacies are not widely known, understood, or distributed o Rights discourses provide very little direction to those addressing inequality and subjugation in an unjust society o Rights and social goods are not equally distributed throughout the Canadian population  Socio-economic status and class play a significant role (e.g., people on the margins are grossly overrepresented in poverty and incarceration rates)  Result of being trapped at the intersection of three transformations distinct to the neo-liberal organization of society that have targeted the visibly different and socially marginal  Economic globalization, the dismantling of the social welfare net, and the intensification of penal strategies contributed to the greater inequality and unequal distribution of societal resources  JEFFREY REIMAN  the rich were getting richer, while the poor were receiving prison - If the goal of justice is to ensure equal distribution of resources to societal members, Canada is moving in a peculiar direction JUSTICE AND THE POOR - Child poverty continues to rise as the gap between the rich and the poor widens - Apart from Germany, Canada leads the way among Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries in measures of income inequality o Alberta  Welfare benefits for a single individual deemed employable were slashed by 42.5%  Welfare benefits for single parents with a child were slashed by 23.6%  Compared to $43 million/year to subsidize the local horseracing industry - As poverty rates have continued to climb, the net traditionally put in place to soften the impact has been stripped away, including the benefits available to ameliorate the conditions of Canada’s children o National Child Benefit  provides families with annual incomes of less than $22,615 with $126/month for the first child and decreasing amounts for subsequent children  Only working families are allowed to keep the money  Individuals on social assistance and disability pensions are denied o Youth are hit the hardest by these changes  10% of children under 6 years old live in low-income families  43% of food bank clients are under 18 years old  Over 1 million children in Canada live in poverty  Parliament had pledged to eradicate child poverty by 2000, but more children are poor than in 1989 o Poverty is not an equal opportunity oppressor  Children of marginalized populations (e.g., recent immigrants, Aboriginal peoples) and children in lone female-parented households are at the greatest risk to experience poverty  Young people are overrepresented among Canadian food bank users  Canada ranks poorly on infant mortality rates among OECD nations - State officials have resorted to pruning child welfare budgets and cutting jobs to manage the current economic climate o Funding cuts have serious and severe implications  Child welfare workers become overextended  Child welfare managers feel pressure to reduce spending  Youth are denied essential helping services o Children are being placed in foster homes that meet only minimal standards  BOB RECHNER  child advocate for Alberta  When funding for foster homes and resources are tight, standards may not be followed  Some are retained as foster homes that probably shouldn’t be, but there aren’t alternatives  Manitoba  Child and Family Services  Due to the lack of adequate foster homes and insufficient funding, child welfare officials rented a floor in a hotel to house youth awaiting placement o The most vulnerable children in Canadian society are short-changed and denied essential services as a result of shrunken social welfare spending, so many of these youth become inmates of Canadian penitentiaries - While Canadians favoured tax breaks for corporations and the richest segments of society, they also campaigned for increased rates of incarceration for young people o Incarceration  the most costly mode of penalty (economically and socially) o Many young people are incarcerated for relatively minor forms of deviance o Canada’s centres of detention are almost exclusively made up of the most marginal class o Throughout the 1990s, many people were sentenced to prison for heinous breaches of public order as failure to comply with court orders and property-related crimes  Tendency to lock up juvenile offenders was at its peak  Erosion of welfare was at its peak  ↓ social welfare benefits and programs for marginal and destitute youth  ↑ emphasis on punitive justice practices for marginal and destitute youth  $50,000 to $100,000 is required to detain one young person for a year o Criminal justice system is the state service most available to the subjugated and marginalized  Rising cost of post-secondary education  Toughening criteria for welfare eligibility - Canada manages youth poverty and inequality through an integrated control complex o Deter and punish crime o Regulate the lower segments of the social order o Defend against the discardable, derelict, and superfluous JUSTICE AND INDIGENOUS YOUTH - Aboriginals are subjected to intrusive and invasive modes of state-level control aimed at reform, assimilation, and subjugation o Native land was vacated to make way for white settlement and capitalist expansion o Tools of colonialism  to regulate and shore up the Anglo vision of the country’s founders  North-West Mounted Police (forerunner of the RCMP), law, reserves, children’s forced adoption by white families, and residential schooling - Institutions of detention are the front lines when it comes to controlling the indigenous other o CARRINGTON and SCHULENBERG  indigenous adolescents are 20% more likely to be charged when apprehended o Aboriginal youth are  More likely to be denied bail  More likely to spend more time in pre-trial detention  More likely to be charged with multiple offences (often for administrative violations)  5% of the total youth population  24% of the youth in Canadian detention centres  75% of the youth sentenced to custody (Saskatchewan)  74% of the youth sentenced to custody (Manitoba)  10% of the youth population (Manitoba) o No group has been more touched by Canada’s appetite for youth incarceration than the First Nations o Canadian Bar Association report  A 16 year old Aboriginal male had a 70% chance of serving at least one prison stint before turning 25  Prison has become the promise of a just society for young Native men, while high school and college represents the promise of a just society for the rest of us  Centres of detention are the contemporary equivalent of residential schools - Systematic subjugation of indigenous people is buttressed by the coincident dismantling of welfare programs during a period of intensified poverty among indigenous people, especially children o Aboriginal people are highly overrepresented among the street population o Aboriginal people are more likely to be living in urban poverty and inhabiting living quarters deemed overcrowded o MAHBUB UL HAQ  Pakistani economist  Human Development Index (HDI)  measures overall well-being, especially child welfare  Three basic categories: o Long and healthy life (indicated by life expectancy at birth) o Knowledge (measured by adult literacy rate) o Standard of living (derived from GDP per capita) o CINDY BLACKSTOCK  Aboriginal activist th  Canada’s indigenous peoples rank 78 on the HDI  Canada consistently ranks 1 on the HDI - Colonialism is not an embarrassing period in the Canadian past o Continues to rear its ugly head o Produces a situation where indigenous youth are subjected to racism and inequality JUSTICE FOR GIRLS? - Youth are highly overrepresented as victims of crime - Youth (15-24) are 15% more likely than old (65+) to report being a victim of a violent victimization - Girls are overrepresented as victims of violent crime, especially sexual deviance - Youth justice system tends to neglect girls both as victims and as offenders o Young girls are highly underrepresented in crime statistics o Tendency to view wayward girls as defective o Founding fathers of criminology  portrayed female offenders as defective, product of inferior breeding, and biologicathand anatomical interiority  CESARE BECCARIA (1778), CHARLES HOOTON (1939), OTTO POLLAK (1950) o By the 19 century, female deviants were more terrible than any man (e.g., less intelligent, more passive, more deficient in moral sense, stronger in sexual instincts) o Capricious and arbitrary status offences  a category of offenses that applies solely to youth, which if committed by an adult would not result in arrest (e.g., drinking, incorrigibility, truancy, curfew violations)  To control female sexuality by incarcerating those who flouted norms of emphasized femininity (e.g., piety, domesticity, monogamous heterosexual marriage) - Girls’ sexuality was policed through juvenile court and industrial school intervention o Girls did not have to be caught in the act to be admonished by state actors o FRANCA IACOVETTA  Parents often brought their girls to the attention of police on the basis of neighbourhood gossip  Mere suggestion of sexual activity initiated state proceedings against young girls  Girls were routinely incarcerated for aberrant conduct (e.g., holding hands with boys, being out after dark in the wrong part of town in the company of a male companion) - Race relations were governed through state-sponsored intrusion th o ‘Nation’  Anglo-Celtic elites who dominated social, economic, and political life during the early 20 century o ‘Other’  viewed with increasing suspicion o By the 1910s, a widely accepted racial hierarchy was established in Canada  Structured by skin colour and degrees of whiteness  British upper-middle-class professionals spearheaded eugenics  Anglo-Celtic elites created a common sense racial logic  Whiteness  the clean and the good, the pure and the pleasing  White girls were considered ‘other’, and required training and reformation for the good of ‘the nation’ o VELMA DEMERSON  Arrested under the Female Refugees Act (1987)  allows for the indefinite detention of girls between 15 and 35 suspected of drunkenness, promiscuity, and pregnancy outside of monogamous union - Injustices experienced by girls continue under contemporary youth justice regimes, in part because girls remain ‘too few to count’ within the youth justice system o Female offenders constitute 1/5 of all cases appearing in youth court o Relatively few youth justice resources are set aside for female offenders o Subjected to institutional arrangements, risk assessment, and programming designed from boys’ experience o Excluded as subjects of knowledge and authorized knowers o Existing theories of crime and deviance applies to women much more than it does to men VOICES OF YOUTH? - Canadian institutions function to censor youth and fix them in a subordinate position - Youthful voices are less intelligent, barely cogent, and inferior to adults - ‘Children should be seen and not heard’ o Youth are somehow less than and ‘other’ to adults o Youth are not given the right to vote until 18 years old o Youth have nothing of value to contribute to the terms ‘teacher’, ‘politician’, ‘judge’ o Youth are on the outside and invited to participate only when something is being imposed on them - PIERRE BOURDIEU  every established social order necessarily makes its own arbitrariness seem a natural condition o Canada  our order of things appears self-evident, innate, and ordinary  Traditional hierarchies are based on age and remain stable  The majority are fully aware of their social positions and conduct themselves accordingly  There remains little room for many youth to manoeuvre into a more equitable position  The normative social order is replicated generation after generation  Those who benefit from the established order prefer not to unsettle the status quo  Youth are left with the task of unsettling the traditional norms that silence them o Edmonton  youth have challenged contemporary orthodoxy  youth have established the world’s only ‘youth for youth’ restorative justice program  Youth Restorative Action Program (YRAP)  an alternative criminal justice process whereby parties with a stake in a particular offence come together to resolve collectively how to deal with the aftermath of the offence and its implications for the future  Created, designed, implemented, and administered by young people between 14 and 21  Consult with the offenders  Decide on appropriate sanctions within the frame of restorative justice  Adults have no decision-making power and excluded from the proceedings, unless they are called upon to provide clarification on technical points of law  Paves the way for new discursive potentials and novel understandings that recognize the injustices and exclusions contained within the established youth justice practice  “The exception, not the rule” o Youth continue to be silenced and nullified in matters that affect them directly, unless…  Norms that reinforce adult privilege are exposed  Existing social order are no longer be considered inevitable CONCLUSION - There is no justice for marginalized youth o Justice would imply an ethic of how to be just with/to the ‘other’ o Universal pronouncements (e.g., Canadian Charter, UN Convention) provide little guidance toward this end  Reduces the language of justice to questions of rights  Conceals the tyranny over the poor, the indigenous, the female, and the silent - Canadians cannot be satisfied with the contemporary action toward the ‘other’ o Listen to the ‘other’ is just a beginning o Hearing and acting ethically toward the disempowered are different o Giving voice to the voiceless is a necessary initial foray into being just Questioning Sociology Chapter 16 – Should policing be privatized? INTRODUCTION - Recent quantitative and structural changes in the nature of security o Realigned the operational prominence of public policing o Blurred the boundary between private and public providers - IAN LOADER  fragmentation of providers has ushered in a plethora of agencies and agents, each with particular kinds of responsibility for the delivery of policing and security services and technologies - AYLING and SHEARING  new forms of policing will challenge conceptions of state centrality in the protection domain and raise questions about the extent of state regulation that is needed and about the appropriate loci of accountability and responsibility for service providers POLICING - Policing is closely aligned with governance - Policing and governance are used as terms to denote governmental strategies originating from inside and outside the state - Governance  a broad function within a system of formal regulation and promotion of security - Policing  a process of regulating and ordering contemporary societies and individuals o Forms of order maintenance, peacekeeping, rule or law enforcement, crime investigation and prevention, other forms of investigation and associated information-brokering o Involves a conscious exercise of coercive power o Undertaken by individuals or organizations - BURBRIDGE o Public police  governed by and accountable to democratically elected governmental authority o Private police  not subject to the same form of democratic governance and accountability  offer similar regulatory, investigative, and enforcement services to those provided by the public police - The transformation of the policing landscape was the result of broad neo-liberal governance policies and perceived crisis of ineffective order maintenance THE SHIFTING LANDSCAPE OF POLICING - Public police adopted various strategies of managerial and organizational form o Eliminated , re-engineered, decentralized, and privatized various types of police services  created a new market for services previously provided by the public police  Elimination or downloading of some traditional police services  Inability or reluctance to meet new policing and security demands o Rapid growth of mass private property and space, technology, and new modes of business  created a range of new policing and security needs that could not be satisfied by the public police - Public police and private police increasingly provided alternative policing and security services o Individual citizens, community groups, agencies, and police-sponsored  adopted various modes of policing o Governments, private companies, and citizens  created their own in-house police and security services  Contracted with an expanding number of private security or hybrid public/private policing services - PHILIP STENNING o Plural of policing environment  characterized by fragmentation and transfer of police services  result of neo- liberal strategies (e.g., fiscal restraint, decentralized governance) - The realignment of policing under neo-liberal policies required a rapid adaptation from a service that bore many of the th structural characteristics of its organizational origins in the 19 century o Diminished confidence in public police services to achieve the outcomes desired of a modern police service o Growing demand for police services to adapt to the changing political economy of governance o Monopoly of public policing represented a strategy of inefficiency, ineffectiveness, and lack of accountability o Stressed the need to re-conceptualize the public police services o Increased blurring of private and public policing functions - Many public police services are now more effective and efficient with respect to their designated mandate of order maintenance and law enforcement A QUESTION OF PUBLIC GOOD - IAN LOADER  the provision and supervision of policing is secured through, beyond, and below government - For many years, security and the state have been synonymous o ADAM SMITH  protecting citizens from harm is a duty of government o KARL MARX  security is the supreme social concept of civil society - However, the current trend is toward a fragmented and pluralized network of security, in which many citizens may not share security interests or achieve equal levels of security o Undermined the importance of state-coordinated security as a fundamental public good o Affirmed the importance of private interest and the pursuit of specific, self-defined security requirements without reference to any conception of the common good o Turned to business and the market as mechanisms to provide public goods (e.g., education, health care) o Made the private sector the key provider of the most basic public good (e.g., public safety) - Provision of security o Relies on the state to coordinate organization of the integrated, multi-functional security and policing providers o Relies on the state to bring reflexive coherence and democratic accountability to the inter-organizational networks and multi-level political configurations - JOHNSTON and SHEARING  previously accepted model of state-centered responsibility of governing security should be replaced with a model that connects both state and non-state nodes in the governance process o No set nodes are given conceptual priority o Level of contribution of each node is developed through negotiation or collaborative processes o Emphasizes that the state is no longer a stable locus of government o Defines governance as the property of networks o Considers governance as the practice of shifting alliances o The state plays a central role both in coordinating collaborative alliances and in assuring accountability A RECONFIGURED CONNECTION BETWEEN STATE AND POLICING - Reformulation of the state’s central position  undermined by the downloading of responsibility to corporations, municipalities, and citizens - Realignment of policing  strengthened the state’s grip on the tiller  flows from an appreciation of policing as a public good - JONES and NEWBURN  the existence of a diverse network of providers has forced the state to refocus its efforts to steer policing and security - LOADER and WALKER  a positive connection between policing and the state can be reformulated and defended under contemporary conditions o The joint actions of various players are connected and coordinated by the state o The state continues to maintain a primacy in the processes involved in providing the public good of policing MONOPOLY OF LEGITIMATE COERCION - Services provided by private and public policing providers are different - Monopoly of legitimate coercion  the authority and legitimacy of the use of force o The state uses it to reinforce its governance prominence o The state has the capacity to impose a range of regulatory parameters on all provides of policing and security - KARL MARX  the right to use physical force is ascribed only to the extent which the state permits it o The state is considered the sole source of the right to use force o The police are representatives of the state, so they are legitimately empowered to use force if necessary - REINER  the police are the specialist carriers of the state’s bedrock power - The state can limit the capacity of private policing providers to offer a full range of security and enforcement o Private security have no powers delegated by the government, so their services are limited to civil matters o Private security has the powers and protections granted all citizens in the Criminal Code and the delegated rights of clients who are property owners under provincial trespass and landlord tenant acts - LOADER and WALKER  the monopoly of legitimate coercion is a central point of authority and is a limited basis for establishing the state-police nexus and is being undone by the contemporary fragmentation of policing and state forms - STENNING  the regulation private policing tends to reflect a business regulation model o Public police  sponsored and mandated by society  given powers, duties, immunities in serving the public interest o Private police  share none of these attributes  no special status, no power, no duty or responsibility toward public interest  expected to serve the private interests of those who employ them - The state has the responsibility and the authority to address the current governance deficit o Public good perspective  the state must exercise a regimen in which private policing is regulated and audited, and the objective of public good is measured o Some private security providers want more legal police powers, but they are reluctant to become subject to the constraints and limits of public accountability, liability, and the courts o Many private security executives recognize that by having limited public and legal responsibilities, they may have more operational freedom than public police - As the landscape of policing and security evolves, so should the governance and accountability arrangements with respect to the exercise of police powers that impinge on the rights and freedoms of its citizens o The challenge has been to achieve a balance between those who argue for a state-interventionist approach and those who support the minimalist-government approach Questioning Sociology Chapter 17 – Why are women going to prison? INTRODUCTION - Imprisoned women are referred to as ‘too few to count’ or ‘correctional afterthoughts’ - Women are the fastest-growing prison population - >500,000 women and girls are imprisoned either as pre-trial detainees (remand prisoners) or convicted/sentenced - The increased numbers of women in prison is a result of o Changes in the nature and severity of women’s crime o Opportunities to commit a broader range of drug-related, economic, and property offences o Social and structural factors (e.g., changing in policing and sentencing patterns) o Dissipation of the preferential or chivalrous treatment that women once enjoyed - Empirical evidence shows that women who commit crime o Tend not to commit serious crimes o Tend to have experienced social exclusion caused by poverty, racism, mental illness, physical and sexual violence NUMBER AND TYPES OF WOMEN IN PRISONS - Relatively few women commit crimes o Tend to be involved in property crimes (e.g., theft, shoplifting, fraud) o Small percentage of women are convicted of violent crimes o Tend to be over-represented in prostitution-related crimes - Women who use interpersonal violence are sent to prison (e.g., assaults, robbery, manslaughter, murder) o 67% of all federal sentenced women were serving time for a violent crime o 80% of federally sentenced Aboriginal women were serving time for a violent crime o 9% of federally sentenced women who had committed homicide as an act of self-defence were sex workers protecting themselves against assault or unwanted sexual relations by customers - Women are less likely than men to be repeat offenders, and if they do reoffend, then the crimes tend not to escalate in severity - Women are less likely than men to receive a prison sentence - Women are more likely than men to receive a community sentence of probation - Women convicted of interpersonal violence, prostitution, drug possession crimes are more likely than men to be sent to prison - Women represent a small proportion of all offenders and of those sentenced to imprisonment - Women in federal penitentiaries tend to be concentrated in Ontario and Prairies (e.g., larger proportion of women prisoners) - Racial overrepresentation  racialized individuals are disproportionately imprisoned  global phenomenon o Aboriginals in Canada  4% of population, but 18% of incarcerated adult population  Aboriginal women are more likely to be in maximum security prisons o Africans in America  13% of population, but 50% of female inmate population  Black women are 7 times more likely to be incarcerated than white women - Explaining the changes in the number of women in prison is complicated and nuanced - Form of imprisonment is determined by the length of sentence o Sentence is more than 2 years  federal prison
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