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CRIM 3654
Amanda Glasbeek

Plural policing - we should think of policing not in terms of a public-private dichotomy, but rather a public private continuum. The public-private divide is no longer accurate when discussing different policing functions. Instead, we are witnessing the emergence of networks of policing. There is an increasing blurring of the public-private divide—in contemporary society. The growth of private security and the pressures the public police have faced in providing more cost-effective services are part of the overall context within which networks of policing have emerged. There are, however, additional factors that have shaped the current context: the emergence of mass private property (shopping malls), communal spaces (apartment buildings, recreation clubs) and changes in governance relationships, including the increasing commodification (marketization) of policing. Mass private property - From about the 1960s onwards, a new form of property—―mass private property‖—began to emerge, particularly in urban areas. Mass private property refers to property that is privately owned but which is publicly used in the sense that most, if not all, members of the general public are typically and routinely invited, even encouraged to frequent it, with or without a fee. The classic example of such property is the large indoor shopping mall that is now such a pervasive feature of the urban landscape. Although it is suggested that such examples of mass private property are legally private property ( privately owned), the responsibility for policing them does not belong primarily to state policing authorities, the public character of the use of such property, and the fact that shopping malls resemble public places more than private space, has raised questions about this.Along with spill-over effects frequently associated with such places these circumstances often raise questions as to whether the responsibility and costs of policing should be borne by the state‘s policing authorities or by the mass private property owners. This new form of property challenged many of the assumptions on which the usual division of policing responsibilities was based. Managerialism – There have been efforts to reconfigure the internal organization of the police so as to make them more ‗business – like‘. The police have been placed under a stringent regimen of financial accountability. The Audit Commission has assumed a prominent role in monitoring police performance, senior staff have been placed on five year contracts & internal markets (for instance, for forensic science services) have been introduced. Charges are now levied for some police services (such as policing inside football stadiums on match days) and have been mooted for others (attending false alarm calls), limited forms of commercial sponsorship of the police are now permitted. Consumerism - There‘s been a re – presentation of the police as deliverers of a professional service (rather than a force) and of the public as ‗consumers‘ of that service. We‘re witnessing the emergence of an uneven patchwork of policing & security provision, increasingly determined by the ability & willingness of consumers to pay. We inhabit a consumer culture. Consumer goods & services are in short ‗social markers‘ since in being offered, accepted or refused, they either reinforce or undermine existing boundaries. Promotionalism – the police have taken more seriously & become increasingly adapt to the task of managing & promoting their ‗product‘ image. The Metropolitan Police for instance enlisted the services of Wolff Olins to spruce up their ‗corporate identity‘. The majority of forces now have energetic & proactive media & public relations departments run principally by journalists, marketing specialists and other ‗new cultural‘ agencies. Significance of all three is that: the recent fate of the English police appeals to exemplify this consumption – dominated culture & society. Governance at distance – new mode of exercising power by which the state forms alliances & activates the governmental powers of non – state agencies. In this context, the criminal justice state no longer claims a monopoly position in respect of crime control & no longer holds itself out as the sole or even the main provider of security. The state now operates in a mixed economy of security provision & crime control. Rehabilitation – Rehabilitative interventions today are rather different than before. They focus more upon issues of crime control than upon individual welfare & are more ‗offence centered‘ than ‗client – centered‘. The immediate point is no longer to improve the offender‘s self esteem, develop insight, or deliver client – centered services but instead to impose restrictions, reduce crime, and protect the public. Treatment programmes hold themselves out as being for the benefit of future victims rather than for the benefit of the offender. The practice of rehabilitation is increasingly inscribed in a framework of risk rather than a framework of welfare. Rehabilitation is thus represented as a targeted intervention that develops self – controls, reduces danger, enhances the security of the public. It is treated as an investment rather than a standard entitlement and like all investments, is closely monitored and evaluated to ensure that it produces returns. ‗What Works‘ movement. Whether the offender is being punished or being treated, the key conc
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