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antb20 week 8 and 9 articles

Course Code
Girish Daswani

of 3
Dick (imagined lives, chronotopes)
In the neighbourhood of uriangato, Mexico, the majority of households have family members in
the U.S, and people regularly evoke lives “beyond here” in the course of routine activities.
It is a refraction of one’s present life through a prism of possible lives somewhere else (U.S)
Migration discourse is very evident in the community.
It flows through conversations between spouses separated by migration. It animates sidewalk
gossip sessions. And it draws lives imagined in migration into actually unfolding happenings in
In this way, migration discourse serves as a form of “virtual space-time travel” through which
the “beyond here” enters into the present.
A key feature of this discourse is the production and circulation of images of a “life beyond”
The central feature of this routine of the neighbourhood is a time-space envelope or
chronotope that contrasts Mexico and United States.
Bakhtin uses the chronotope to describe how novelistic discourse fuses spatiotemporal
indicators into integrated wholes in which “time, as it were, thickens, takes on flesh, becomes
artistically visible; likewise, space becomes charged and responsive to the movements of time,
plot and history”
Thus, the production of chronotopes is one way actors make available times and spaces that
otherwise would not be phenomenologically accessible, like the “beyond here” of migration.
Linguistic anthropologists have adapted Bakhtin’s work to the study of “cultural chronotopes”:
prevailing spacetime configurations particular to a given cultural milieu, such as the
chronotope that organizes migration discourse
This cultural chronotope relies on a modernist binary that configures theUnited States as a land
of socioeconomic mobility and progress, but also of moral dissolution, and Mexico as a land of
morality and family, but also of socioeconomic stagnationa framework that one finds
animates distinctions between rural and urban Uriangato as well.
urban Uriangato is the progressive realm to the “backward” rural communities around it
transnational migration is posited as a way to traverse these spatiotemporal framingsto gain
progress, though at the risk of sacrificing morality.
This analysis shows that Jes ´us deploys the modernist chronotope to position himself as unlike
migrants in the United States, whom he represents as trapped in the class position they sought
to escape; through this deployment, he enacts himself as a socioeconomically mobile person in
the morally superior terrain of Uriangato.
The Uriangatense modernist chronotope is most immediately observable in two rhetorical
themes that recur across instances of migration discourse: siguiendo adelante (getting ahead)
and creating a vida bonita (moral life).5 To seguir adelante is to gain access to the employment
and material goods that facilitate improvements in class position; and so, the modernist
chronotope is, in part, always a comment on socioeconomic class and class mobility. Although
most working-class Uriangatenses positively value “getting ahead,” many believe that the
barriers to doing so in Mexico are insurmountablethat they must go to the United States to
get ahead.
This kind of mapping of time onto spaceso that, in traveling across space, one moves
backward or forward in time
The literal translation of bonito(a) is beautiful, but its use inMexican Spanish involves more than
the aesthetically pleasing; it conveys also that the people, objects, or activities thus described
represent that which is morally good (Stack 2002, 2003). In migration discourse, often the same
speakers who espouse the positive value of getting ahead in the United States also assert that
life in Mexico is more bonita than life in the United States and that, therefore, getting ahead is
a threat to morality, sociality, and tradition, a common assertion in discourses of modernity
urban Uriangato becomes to rural Uriangato what the United States is toMexico: It is progress
and advancement to the rancho’s backwardness and lack of development. At the same time, the
rural becomes the most bonito, the heart of Mexican morality
Jes´us challenges a hegemonic formula of the Uriangatense modernist chronotope: that one
must migrate
to get ahead. He also questions the cost at which migrants “progress” in theUnited States, asserting that
their class position is unchanged
People like Jes´us and his male relations call into question the class mobility afforded by
migration, asking, what kind of mobility is it if, to use Jes´us’s words, you have to “remain a
worker”? By contrast, Jes´us’s sisters and Chucha question life in Uriangato, where living a vida
bonita comes at the expense of mobilityand, without that mobility, is life even bonita?
the central role the modernist chronotope plays in the practice of imagining a life “beyond
Demand for care has increased in the developed world. The result is a care deficit, to which
women from Philippines have responded in force.
These female migrants leave behind their own children, usually in care of other women. Many
of these children now grow up in divided households, where geographic seperatetino puts them
under serious emotional strain.
Yet is important to realize the economic contributions on this migrant labor, as 34to 54 percent
of the Filipino population is supported financially by migrant workers.
Migrant mothers who work as nannies often face the paingul prospect of caring for other
people’s children while being unable to tend to their own, which is obviously stressful.
There ends up being more household responsibilities for these children, especially if the mother
is the one who migrated.
If we want to secure quality care for the children of transnational families, gender egalitarian.
Historical narratives and life histories are representations of cultural identities contingent on
particular positions in the present, not points of access to a past ready to be mined for
information on events or former ways of life.
Author argues that the understanding to be gained by investigating the significance of slavery
and Africa in African American discourse today may well say more about dominant global forms
of discourse that local understandings of culture and history.
This article discusses how the descendants of African slaves have constructed the Caribbean
island of St. John as a place of belonging.
The popularity of the legend about the slave uprising amonth St. Johnians and the celebration of
African heritage and the virtue of a fight for rights in a collective struggle against oppression
appear to be increasingly relevant to St. Johnians.
The significance of the slave uprising can also be related to the fact that it highlights the
importance of the islanders' African backgrounds and their long history of asserting their rights
as a people.
In this article, I examine twodifferent notions of the past on St. John and the processes whereby
they have emerged in response to specific social and economic conditions on the island. I have
argued that an earlier notion of St. John as an inclusive moral community of social and economic
exchange has been replaced, to a great extent, by a more recent conception of St. John as the
exclusive place of the heirs to the slaves of African descent who resisted their white oppressors
and made the island their own. The first notion is sustained by narratives about thedevelopment
of this moral community centered on family land holdings, the second by narratives of the
uprising of 1733, when African slaves overtook the island for several months before being
defeated by colonial forces.
The development of diaspora tourism has been the outcome of an extended conversation
between Ghana and segments of the African Diaspora, particularly African americans.
It is the product of a black atlantic conversation, referring to the back and forth traffic between
Africa and the diaspora.
The popularity of slavery narratives among African Americans was a major factor in the
Ghanaian tourism industry’s decision to focus on the slave trade.
Nordstram(the war orphan)
Okidi and group of other children stuck together as war orphans during the angola war.
Millions are lost each year to cigarrete smuggling
The governor was involved in illegal profit making ventures which exploited the displaced
people of angola.
Global witness estimates that more than 1 billion a year disappears from oil revenues into the
pockets of leading political figures in Angola.
Certainly the word corruption fits the governor, who profits from war, the free labor of
displaced people, land grants, and the political power needed to develop provincial fiefdoms.
Corruption is seen as a personal endeavor.