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Chapter 6

Chapter 6: Experiencing Prejudice

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Department
Psychology
Course
PSYC12H3
Professor
Michael Inzlicht
Semester
Summer

Description
C12: Prejudice Chapter 6: Experiencing Prejudice SOCIAL STIGMA Many people try to fit in with majority to not be singled out for ridicule or treated negatively by others. This treatment is common among children who have not learned socially sophisticated methods of expressing disproval. Among adults this takes forms in subtle negative comments, rude behaviour or expressions. Erving Goffin referred to the unusual characteristics that engender negative evaluations as being indicators of stigma. The stigmatized person is one who is reduced in our minds from a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted one. Stigmas are characteristics that mark the individual as deviant, flawed, limited, spoiled or generally undesirable. Goffman denoted three types of stigmas: 1. Abominations of the body (eg. Physical deformities, being overweight) 2. Blemishes of the individual character (eg. Drunkenness) 3. Tribal stigmas of race, nation and religion. * Researchers know a lot about the perpetrators view (the one who stigmatizes) but until recently, little research has been conducted on the experience of the victim and how both stigmatized and nonstigmatized individuals regard e/o in social interactions. GROUP IDENTIFICATION Subsequent research has indicated that whether the individual has already strongly personally identified with their stigmatized group will have a major impact on the degree to which that individual disassociates from the group. Doosje and Ellemers found that people differ in the degree to which they identify with their stigmatized group: - High-identifiers are much more likely to associate themselves with their group, even when, especially when, it has a negative image. High-identifiers derive much of their self-esteem from their identification as a group member. They are more likely to seek collective strategies against group threat. They tend to make it clear they are committed, loyal group members. - Low-identifiers are much more likely to dissociate themselves from the group, especially when the group has a negative image. They feel no special affinity toward, or derive no self-esteem from their group. Low identifiers are thus much more individualistic and opportunistic in that they will only identify themselves w/ the group when it would positively affect their social identity. STEREOTYPE THREAT Individuals in stereotyped groups often find themselves ever-vigilant about not behaving in ways that confirm stereotypes about ones group. Doing so would appear to lend evidence to support the legitimacy of the stereotype in the eyes of others, and even in the individuals own view. Occasionally individuals in stereotyped groups will engage in performing limiting behaviour (i.e. practicing less for a game, studying less) in order to provide them with a ready excuse for their expected poor performance on the stereotype-relevant dimension. AKAstereotype threat The effects of stereotype threat are especially likely to occur in people who strongly identify with the group about which the stereotype exists and in individuals who are self conscious of their stigmatized status. Ex. black participants in a threatened condition showed significantly higher blood pressure; may explain higher incidence of heart disease among black persons. Most research has focused on stereotypes that revolve around intellectual ability and performance. For AAs a 1 www.notesolution.com common stereotype suggests that AAs perform poorly compared w/ others on measures of intellectual ability. Results: AAs consistently avg about 15 points less on intelligence tests compared to Caucasians. Reasons: socioeconomic disadvantages. BUT this doesnt explain the finding that even when AAs and Caucasians have the same preparation, AAs still achieves less. What can account for the gap in subsequent achievement between similar-scoring AAs and Caucasians? When AAs participants believed that a difficult verbal test was a measure of their intellectual ability, they underperformed compared to Caucasians in the ability-diagnostic condition (intellectual ability) but performed as well as Caucasians in the non-diagnostic condition. They also found that just making the stereotype salient impaired the performance of AAs on the task. This disparity may also be due to what they term stereotype lift, that is non-stigmatized persons seem to experience a performance enhancement when they engage in a downward comparison b/w themselves and a member of a stereotyped out-group. Stereotype might explain continued performance discrepancies btw black and white individuals. Aronson and Inzlicht found that those who were higher in stereotype vulnerability (the tendency to expect, perceive, and be influenced by stereotypes about ones social category); tended to be the least in touch w/ the quality of their performances on a stereotype-relevant task. They were not able to accurately predict what they knew relative to the demands of the test. Result: this inaccuracy, their academic (stereotype domain related) self-confidence was subject to stronger fluctuations - Research with women reveals similar result as well as those of low socioeconomic status, implicating the stereotype-threat effects. - H/w, the ability to be unaffected by a stereotype against ones group becomes much more difficult to the degree that ones identity is closely tied to membership in that group. Other research has shown that stereotype- threat effects can be reduced significantly when people from the stereotyped group are individuated (ie. making ones own abilities salient); in these cases they outperform their non-individuated counterparts. - One study found that simply reminding women about great achievements of other women tended to significantly reduce stereotype threat on their math test scores Cheryan and Bodenhausen examined the influence of salient positive stereotypes on ones task performance. If the stereotype about your group is that you do esp. well on a task, could that stereotype potentially enhance or impair ones performance? They focused on the stereotype that Asians have a special aptitude for math. Asian American women were exposed to an identity-salience manipulation, in which they were to complete a survey about their ethnic group, their gender or their individual identity. They then completed a test of math skills. Results: revealed that when participants ethnic identity was made salient, their math performance was significantly worse. Research by Ambady and colleagues found the opposite, when Asian women had their ethnic identity or gender salient, they performed better on the math test. On the subject of anti-asian American prejudice suggests that this prejudice has TWO major components: envy of the (perceived) excessive intellectual competence and disdain for their (perceived) low sociability. Results: low sociability (and not the perceived high intellectual competence) that primarily drives anti-Asian American prejudice; data supports Fiskes stereotype-content model (SCM), which says that many stereotypes and prejudices can be located along 2 dimensions: competence and warmth. Recent evidence supports for the notion that stereotypes about ones group can impair ones performance on salient ego- and identity-relevant tasks. Although stereotype-threatened individuals are motivated to do well on the tasks, they tend to be inefficient in their work, largely b/c their attn is split btw their alternating assessment of the correct answers to the task and their worry that their performance may confirm a stereotype of their group. Important: Experiments demonstrate that stereotype threat effects do not show that reducing stereotype threat eliminates difference in performance btw stereotyped groups and non-stereotyped groups. The groups were matched for equivalent stereotype-task (e.g. Math test) ability prior to the experiment. Introducing the stereotype threat impaired the performance of 2 www.notesolution.commembers of the stigmatized group. When the threat was NOT present, their performance matched that of their nonstigmatized counterparts. This only shows the debilitating effects of stereotype threat and in no way should be misinterpreted as suggesting that eliminating stereotype threat therefore eliminates group differences on stereotype-relevant task performance. So, why do stereotype threatened individuals who score similarly to non-stereotype threatened persons (eg. Whites) on intelligence and aptitude tests achieve less than their European counterparts? Some suggest it may be due to disidentification: Disidentification: individuals disengage their identity from the achievement domain in question, such that their self-esteem and sense of self-competence is preserved and shielded from the negative effects of associating identity w/ performance on a stereotype-relevant dimension = allows the stigmatized to retain their self-esteem. i.e., a woman may disidentify w/ achievement in science and math and AAs may disidentify from academics African Americans (AA) are a good example of disidentification.
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