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Chapter 6

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Chapter 6 : Experiencing Prejudice  Prejudice originated from & was maintained within the majority perceiver of the minority target o If a perceiver holds prejudice toward a target, & if we want to understand the processes that lead to formation, maintenance, & reduction of that prejudice, we need to understand more about that perceiver  This is how much of the research literature has approached prejudice & stereotyping  Stereotyping & prejudice occur in a dynamic social context involving the perceiver & target reacting to each other o It involves feedback from target that often confirms the expectations of perceiver, w/ perceiver's behaviour often then confirming expectations of target  Need to consider target in this interaction Social Stigma  Stigma : Possession of a characteristic or attribute that conveys a negative social identity o Stigmatized person is one who is "reduced in our minds from a whole & unusual person to a tainted, discounted one" o Stigmas are characteristics that mark the individual as "deviant, flawed, limited, spoiled, or socially undesirable" o Stigma encompasses all the more familiar situations where prejudice is shown (i.e. Racial, religious, gender, age, sexual orientation), but it also covers any physical, behavioural, psychological marker that elicits negative evaluation from society o 3 types of stigmas : 1. "abominations of the body" (i.e. Physical deformities, being overweight etc) 2. "blemishes of the individual character" (i.e. "drunkenness) 3. "tribal stigmas of race, nation, & religion" (i.e. Prejudice against another race)  Researchers know much about how non-stigmatized persons view stigmatized persons, but little research has been conducted on experiences of stigmatized person & how stigmatized & non-stigmatized individuals regard each other in social interactions Group Identification  Previous research indicates that individuals faced with external threats (such as prejudice) show stronger ingroup identification o Research has confirmed this general effect with Jewish persons, African Americans & women o However subsequent research has indicated that whether the individual has already strongly personally identified w/ their stigmatized group will have a major impact on the degree to which that individual disassociates from the group  People differ in degree to which they identify w/ their stigmatized group  High identifiers are much more likely to associate themselves with their group, even when--especially when--it has a negative image  Derive much of their self-esteem from their identification as a group member  Much more likely to seek collective strategies against group threat  Tend to make it clear that they are fully committed, loyal group members, who are in it for the long-run  Low identifiers are much more likely to dissociate themselves from the group, especially when the group has a negative image  Feel no special affinity toward, or derive no self-esteem from, their group  "seem quite prepared to let the group fall apart" when group is threatened or has a negative image  Much more individualistic & opportunistic in that hey will only identify themselves with the group when it would positively affect their social identity Stereotype Threat  For most groups, there exist at least a few widely known stereotypes  From early on, children learn these stereotypes & are aware that their own group & other groups are sometimes negatively viewed by others  Individuals in stereotyped groups often find themselves ever-vigilant about not behaving in ways that confirm stereotypes about one's group o Doing so would appear to lend evidence to support the legitimacy of the stereotype in the yes of others, & even in the individual's own view o Occasionally, individuals in stereotyped groups will engage in performance-limiting behaviour (i.e. Practicing less before an athletic event, or not studying prior to an exam), in order to provide them w/ a ready excuse for their expected poor performance on the stereotype-relevant dimension)  Stereotype threat : Situation in which negative expectations about ability (due to stereotypes about he group's ability on that dimension) lead the stigmatized person to experience anxiety at the thought of performing poorly & confirming the stereotype. This anxiety often has the unfortunate effects of inhibiting performance & confirming the stereotype o Recent research suggests that stereotype threat has its effect through the mediating influence of a drop in working-memory capacity o Effects of stereotype threat especially likely to occur in people who strongly identify with the group about which the stereotype exists & in individuals who are self-conscious of their stigmatized status o People under stereotype threat actually fare worse physiologically than their non- threatened counterparts  Black participants in a threatened condition showed significantly higher blood pressure than their non-threatened counterparts  Research suggests that this may help explain the higher incidence of coronary heart disease & high blood pressure among Black persons  Most attention has been focused on stereotypes that revolve around intellectual ability & performance o For African Americans , a common stereotype suggests that African Americans perform poorly compared with others on measures of intellectual ability o Statistics on results of standardized aptitude & intelligence tests over the decade suggests that African Americans consistently average about 15 points less on such measures compared to Caucasians  Some of reasons for this gap are socioeconomic disadvantages that African Americans experience that affect their academic environment , cultural biases embedded into standardized intelligence tests, & discrimination & prejudice3 that they face from others  However this does not explain finding that even when African Americans & Caucasians have the same preparation, African Americans still achieve still achieve less (i.e. Poorer subsequent GPA, time to graduation etc.)  Steele & Aronson suggest that debilitating effects of stereotype threat may account for the gap in subsequent achievement b/w similar-scoring African Americans & Caucasians  when African American participants believed that a difficult verbal test was a measure of their intellectual ability (compared to those not told this), they underperformed compared to Caucasians in the ability-diagnostic condition (intellectual ability) but performed as well as Caucasians in the non-diagnostic condition (fig.6.1 p.136)  Also found that just making the stereotype salient impaired the performance of African Americans on the task , even in non-diagnostic conditions (fig.6.2 p.137)  A recent meta-analysis suggests that this disparity may also be due to "stereotype lift" o Non-stigmatized persons seem to experience a performance enhancement when they engage in a downward comparison b/w themselves & a member of a stereotyped outgroup o So when black & white people are similarly prepared educationally & have the same abilities , the influence of stereotype lift may be a contributing factor that might explain continued performance discrepancies b/w the Black & White individuals o Being a member of a stereotyped group can also affect the degree of one's self- confidence about performance on the stereotype-relevant dimension o Aronson & Inzlicht found that those who were higher in "stereotype vulnerability" (the tendency to expect, perceive & be influenced by stereotypes about one's social category) tended to be least in touch with the quality of their performances on a stereotype-relevant task  They were not able to accurately predict what they knew relative to the demands of the test  As a result of this inaccuracy, their academic (stereotype domain related) self- confidence was subject to stronger fluctuations o For women a commonly held stereotype has been that they are less capable in science & mathematics  Quinn & Spencer manipulated the diagnosticity of a math exam (i.e either by telling participants that the math exam was diagnostic or non-diagnostic of their math ability) for male & female participants who had matched math backgrounds & skills ( as measured by their SAT scores & calculus grades)  When women believed that the test was diagnostic, they performed poorly compared with males  When women believed that the exam was not diagnostic, they performed as well as the other male participant  Simply completing a math test in a group in which she is the sole woman (w/ 2 other men) seems to make salient the stereotype of women's poor math performance & women in these situations do indeed perform poorly compared w/ women completing a math test in a group of 2 other women o When individuals of low SES believe that they might confirm a stereotype of them (specifically that they perform poorly on measures of intellectual ability relative to those who are not poor), their performance suffers on perceived diagnostic measures, relative to those not poor  When exam seen as non-diagnostic, they do just as well as their affluent peers o Some investigators have found a stereotype threat effect in Whites who do take the IAT (thus, finding a preference for White) arising from their anxiety about obtaining a score that might indicate they are racist  Stereotype threat is not subject to change, however o Aronson et al. Told African American participants that the characteristic under study, & about which there was a stereotype about their group's performance--in this case intelligence--was a malleable, not a fixed characteristic  This lead participants to be more resistant to influence of stereotype threat, & they showed better performance on the intelligence tests & their grade point averages were higher  However, the ability to be unaffected by a stereotype against one's group becomes much more difficult to the degree that one's identity is closely tied to membership in that group  Other research shows that stereotype-threat effects can be reduced significantly when people from the stereotype group are individuated (i.e. Making one's own abilities salient, & distancing oneself from the group); in these cases they outperform their non-individuated counterparts o Simply reminding women about general achievements that other women had made tended to significantly reduce the stereotype threat on their mathematics test scores  Cheryan & Bodenhausen examined the influence of salient positive stereotypes on one's task performance o Focused on stereotype that Asians have a special aptitude for mathematical problems  Asian American women were exposed to an identity-salience manipulation, in which they were to complete a survey about either their ethnic group (i.e. "overall my race is considered good by others"), their gender or their individual identity o They then completed a test of math skills  When participants ethnic identity was made salient, their math performance was significantly worse than when their personal identify or gender identity was made salient  However research by Ambady et al. Found that when Asian American women had their ethnic identity made salient , they performed better on a math test than when either no identity or their gender was made salient  Thus, more research needed to identify the specific additive & individual effects that stereotypes about one's various in-groups can have on one's cognitions & behaviours  Recent research suggests that anti-Asian American prejudice has 2 major components: 1. Envy of the (perceived) excessive intellectual competence 2. Disdain for their (perceived) low sociability o They found that it is the low sociability *& not the perceived high intellectual competence) that primarily drives anti-Asian American prejudice o These data support the central tenet of Fiske's stereotype -content model (SCM) which says that many stereotypes & prejudices can be located along the two dimensions: competence & warmth  SCM appears to be a good model for understanding the roots of many different types of prejudice  Evidence accumulated to date indicates support for notion that stereotypes about one's group can impair one's performance on salient ego- & identity-relevant tasks o Although stereotype-threatened individuals are motivated to do well on the tasks, they tend to be inefficient in their work, largely b/c their attention is split b/w their alternating assessment of the correct answers to the task & their performance may confirm a stereotype of their group  Stereotype threat effects do not show that reducing stereotype threat eliminates differences in performance b/w stereotyped groups & non-stereotyped groups o In these studies the groups were matched for equivalent stereotype task (i.e. math test)ability prior to experiment o Introducing stereotype threat impaired the performance of members of the stigmatized group o When threat not present, performance matched that of non-stigmatized counterparts o However this only shows debilitating effects of stereotype threat, & in no way should be misinterpreted as suggesting that eliminating stereotype threat therefore eliminates group differences on stereotype-relevant task performance  So why do stereotype threatened individuals who score similarly to non-stereotype threatened persons (i.e European Americans) on intelligence & aptitude tests achieve less than their European American counterparts? o Disidentification : process whereby members of stereotyped groups disengage their identity from a stereotype-relevant domain, in order to preserve their self-esteem o Much research suggests that African Americans show self-esteem that is high or higher than European Africans , contrary to what would be expected o Although stigmatized more likely to show disidentifcation than non-stigmatized, they are less likely to see the stereotype-threat dimension (i.e academics) as unimportant  Thus, although disidentified stigmatized individuals agree that the stereotype-threat dimension is important, it is not important for them & for their self-identity o Major & Schmader suggest that by either devaluing the importance of the stereotype- threat domain or discounting validity & self-diagnosticity of outcomes on the stereotype- threat dimension, the stigmatized can psychologically disengage from the stereotype- threat dimension & protect heir self-esteem  Some African Americans may devalue academic achievement by derogating other African Americans who pursue achievement in academics by saying that they are "acting white"  Belief is that achievement in academics is something only whites can accomplish, & African Americans who aspire to academic achievement are selling out & disidentifying themselves from their African American identity  Some have suggested that African Americans who achieved academic success did so by adopting behaviors & attitudes that distanced themselves from their culture or origin & that this results in increased depression, anxiety, & identity confusion  Arroyo & Zigler found that academically achieving African Americans were more likely to experience feelings of depression & anxiety compared with their peers who were not academically successful  However it appears that achievement in academics does not necessarily lead to confusion regarding racial identity  Both high & low achieving African Americans were more likely to negatively evaluate, & psychologically distance themselves from, their racial group when they believed that their group was negatively evaluated by others  Paradoxically, achieving academic success can have important psychological consequences for African Americans  Some evidence to suggest that these processes may arise in individual's early teen years o Osborne found correlation b/w African Americans' self-esteem & academic outcomes remained strong until about 8th grade, then their identification is weakened  He suggests that due to stereotype threat, African American students may begin to see academic environment as discriminatory & lacking in rewards, & begin disidentifying  The strength of threat that female subjects were under were varied : some subjects told that differences b/w men & women in mathematics ability was due either to genetic differences (innate limitation of being female) or to social/learned causes (i.e. discrimination, social roles)  Participants' disidentification w/ mathematics & math-related careers was measured either before or after taking a difficult math test  Results indicated that women under strong stereotype threat (.e. genetic limitation females have in mathematics) tended to disidentify more with math careers than women under weak stereotype threat  Fig.6.3 (p.143): The experience of stereotype threat for women  Males & females who were good at math & who considered math ability to be an important part of their identity were invited to take a difficult math test  For half of participants, test described as generally showing gender differences in performance on the test  When women believed that test did not show gender differences in performance, they performed just as well as men  When led to believe that males & females perform differently (activating stereotype about women not being as adept as men at math), their performance on test was much worse than men in same condition  Stereotype threat has important implications for how one perceives one`s ingroup, & one`s relation to ingroup o Lee & Ottai investigated how one`s social identity may be affected by stereotype threats that are either consistent or inconsistent with self-perceived stereotypes about one`s ingroup  According to Social identity theory (SIT), we derive our identity from & self-esteem through 2 avenues: 1. Through our own accomplishments 2. Through our group membership  SIT suggests that when one belongs to a devalued or threatened group, continued identification with group threatens one`s self-esteem & threatened individuals may therefore disidentify with their ingroup in order to protect their self-esteem  Examined how Chinese participants would respond to negative stereotypic threats that are inconsistent or consistent with one`s ingroup perceptions  Negative stereotypes inconsistent with ingroup stereotype lead ingroup members to increase their perceptions of ingroup homogeneity, or solidarity/unity  Participants` identification with the ingroup increased  When participants exposed to a negative stereotype-consistent threat (that`s partially consistent with stereotypes about those who are Chinese), participant had a more difficult time denying the validity of the stereotype expression  Participants protected their social identity by emphasizing that not all members of their group are characterized by negative stereotype  In doing so, participants were emphasizing more ingroup heterogeneity, which may reflect a weakening identification with their ingroup as a whole  Although this psychological disidentification may be a temporary response to a particular situation, continued exposure to stereotype threat may lead stigmatized individuals to chronically disengage psychologically from stereotype-threat dimension  Disidentification can be both adaptive & maladaptive o Disidentifcation can be viewed as a healthy, effective coping response that allows the individual to protect their self-concept & self-identity against the prejudice, discrimination, & disadvantage the stigmatized person may encounter in the stereotype- threat domain o However, paradox of disidentification is that while it saves self-esteem, it imperils individual`s chances for success & achievement in domains that society may regard as important  There are ways to reduce stereotype threat o It is not enough to prevent disidentification of stigmatized student ; the individual`s identification with the stereotype-threat domain needs to be simultaneously enhanced  Techniques such as Aronson`s Jigsaw classroom can be an effective way to help students enjoy school & can lead to higher self-esteem & higher exam scores  Additional strategies: optimistic student-teacher relationships, challenge instead of remediation, stressing that intelligence is expandable, affirming domain belonging, valuing multiple perspectives, having visible successful role models, & building self-efficacy o Recent evidence suggests that such an approach may work  Steele et al. implemented program for reduction of stereotype threat & enhanced domain identification for African American college freshmen at U of Michigan  Used 3 ways to reduce stereotype threat: 1. Students were honorifically recruited for program with an emphasis on their being bright enough to have been admitted to the U of Michigan (this taps into domain belonging) 2. Students participated in weekly seminars to get to know each other & share common problems AND 3. Participants attended subject-matter workshops that exposed them to advanced material outside the material discussed in class  Results after 4 days of the program indicated that participants had grade point averages about 4/10 higher than non-program peers, & were more likely to finish college  Interviews with participants indicated that the program did, in fact, reduce stereotype threat & increase domain identification, leading to better grades Self-Esteem  Although it would be expected that being stigmatized would have a negative impact on self- esteem, some research concludes that stigmatized persons suffer no damage to their self- esteem, & in some cases, their self-esteem is higher than that of non-stigmatized persons o Studies have failed to show decreased self-esteem for such stigmatized groups such as African Americans, physically challenged, developmentally disabled, or mentally disabled o Other studies have indicated that some stigmatized individuals (i.e. overweight persons) do suffer lower self-esteem  Reason some individuals able to protect their self-esteem & others not has to do with perceived controllability (& hence justifiability) of the stigma o Those who believe their that their stigmatizing condition is controllable (& thus indicates a flaw on their part) may be more likely to feel that negative evaluations of them are justified & more likely to feel lower self-esteem o However, believing that one's stigma is uncontrollable will lead stigmatized individuals to resist "blame" for the stigma, to attribute negative evaluations to prejudice, & to maintain self-esteem  Comprehensive meta-analysis of 261 comparisons of self-esteem differences b/w Caucasians & African Americans revealed that in general, African Americans tend to have higher self- esteem than Caucasians o Separate meta-analysis also reached same conclusion o Past researchers would disregard the findings as flawed , b/c of assumption that members of a stereotyped group would have to have lower self-esteem as a result of the larger society's generally negative views of African Americans, but not of Caucasians o The higher self-esteem of African Americans may be due to fact that they do not, as had been assumed, base their self-worth on way others view them  If they did, it might be case that they would feel more negative about themselves o Reference group for African Americans appears to be other African Americans, & not society  They are distinctive minority group, & by embracing that distinctiveness & their positive ethnic/racial identity, they maintain their self-esteem as high as, & as often higher than that of Caucasians  Another explanation for inconsistent findings concerning the influence of prejudice on self- esteem of target of prejudice centers on problem w/ way researchers have conceptualized & measured self-esteem o Researchers assumed that self-esteem was a stable aspect of personality, & that when target of prejudice would experience3 prejudice, stereotypes, or discrimination, they would internalize the shame or psychological pain & this then would damage individual's self-esteem o However literature on self-esteem does not support these assumptions  It's more accurate to conceptualize self-esteem as a kind of working model that is multiply determined & constructed by the situational, motivational, & interpersonal factors in a given situation, & by one's salient beliefs & values at that time  Such a conceptualization would account well for the inconsistency in self-esteem studies, & it is important to continue research on this perspective Denial of Discrimination  Another way by which stigmatized persons maintain their self-esteem is by being able to deny that they have been personally discriminated against, or that they have suffered prejudice, discrimination other mistreatment related to their stigma o This denial of personal discrimination has been found in African Americans , women & other minority groups o Stigmatized person acknowledges that their group suffers discrimination & prejudice in society but claims that they have not personally had such negative experiences  Such a disconnect (or cognitive distortion) allows the stigmatized person to avoid uncomfortable reality that the world may not be a just or fair world , & that their life may be negatively (& seemingly unavoidably) affected by their stigma  Some research suggests that making an attribution to discrimination also helps protect one's self-esteem o However, other studies on effects of such attributions show greater stress responses & decreased self-esteem o Data is mixed & more research needed  Denial of personal discrimination may be an adaptive way to deal with the unfair treatment one often receives as a result of being a member of a stigmatized group  Degree to which a stigmatized individual believes in an ideology & legitimizes existing status differences b/w groups will influence his/her perceptions of personal communication o The more an individual does not endorse such an ideology & instead believes in individual mobility of group members, less likely it is that negative behavior/evaluations from the non-stigmatized individual will be interpreted as instances of discrimination or prejudice  Another factor that can influence whether stigmatized group member attributes behavior of non-stigmatized individual to prejudice and/or discrimination is the social costs involved with doing so o Stigmatized individuals who make such attributions to discrimination are perceived as complainers & were generally less favorably evaluated by others Self-fulfilling Prophecy  Attributing negative feedback from a non-stigmatized individual to prejudice often, but not always, works as a technique for the stigmatized to protect their self-esteem  Sometime the ubiquity of the stereotype about one's stigmatized group can indeed influence one's self-concept o Whites' views of their own group was largely positive (w/ exception of characteristic "materialistic), & their views of Blacks was very negative (w/ exception of "musical", "peace loving", & "proud") o Blacks tended to view whites in very negative terms as well (w/ exception of attributing the positive characteristics "intelligent" & industrious" to whites) o While blacks viewed their own group in positive terms, they also believed some negative stereotypes about their group (they attributed the characteristics "lazy" & "superstitious" to Blacks)  Self-fulfilling prophecy : process by which a perceiver's expectations about a target lead target to behave in ways that confirm those stereotypes o Thus some researchers have hypothesized that one reason for finding that some stigmatized groups view themselves as having small number of stereotypic, negative characteristics is that the group members have internalized negative views of group that the majority members (& to large extent, society) directly & indirectly communicate to them  Allport believed that this may occur in minority groups b/c if minority group acknowledged that their group had as much worth as other groups in society, it would bring about tremendous psychological discomfort in that it causes stigmatized individual to question structure of social reality o Majority member's stereotype influences how they interact w/ member of minority group-->these behaviors elicit behaviors that fit majority member's initial expectancies  See yourself & fellow stigmatized colleagues responding to expectancies of non- stigmatized group  Faced with evidence from within & outside stigmatized group that points to that conclusion, stigmatized individual may be likely to internalize stereotype for their group o However self-fulfilling prophecies do not occur when target is aware of the perceiver's expectations  While self-fulfilling prophecy is a robust phenomenon, recent research indicates that its effect in maintaining stereotypes & eliciting stereotypic behavior in stigmatized individuals is limited  In review of literature on self-fulfilling prophecy effects in intergroup interactions, found that most of the naturalistic studies show that effect of stereotyped expectations on stigmatized tends to be quite small (correlation of 0.2 & r = 0.2)  Thus, although idea that self-fulfilling prophecies may elicit more stereotype- consistent behaviors in stigmatized ( & may even lead them to believe their group possesses some negative stereotyped characteristics), there is little data supporting it as a factor in the stereotype-relevant behavior of the stigmatized o Major et al. suggest 4 ways stigmatized can maintain their self-esteem:  Attributing negative evaluations & reactions of others to prejudice  Devaluing outcomes on which their group compares poorly w/ other groups  Comparing one's stigmatized in-group w/ other stigmatized groups, rather than to non-stigmatized groups  Psychologically disengaging their self-esteem from feedback in domains in which their group is at a disadvantage  Self-esteem in stigmatized individuals seems to be fairly resilient against the negative influence of others' prejudice & stereotyping Intergroup interactions  Research has yielded little info on how expectations & affective states of majority & minority groups in actual intergroup interactions influence their perceptions of the behavior of their interaction partner o Past research has attempted to understand perceptions of imagined intergroup interaction partner  Langer et al. found that people experience discomfort & desire to avoid interactions with physically different (i.e. pregnant women & physically challenged) persons because they are conflicted over whether to stare at the individual  Found that tendency to stare at an out-group member comes primarily from curiosity about a group with whom the subjects infrequently come into contact  People did not derogate physically different persons, so staring (& avoidance behavior) was not attributable to feelings of disgust or dislike  Staring & avoidance were reduced when people had more time to get accustomed to physically different person, via simple habituation o However prior research has tended only to address majority & minority groups separately o Research on majority groups (i.e Caucasians, the young, heterosexuals) has explored how stereotypes & prejudices arise in these individuals (in order to reduce or even eliminate such negative intergroup attitudes) o Investigations with minority groups (i.e. African Americans, homosexuals, the elderly) have examined how minority-group members feel about their stigma & how stigma influences their self-perceptions & behavior toward others o However to assess how affect, perceptions, & expectations influence way one perceives out-group member in an intergroup context, it`s important to understand dynamics of the intergroup context Dynamic Nature of Interactions  Researchers today must turn their attention toward understanding live interactions b/w majority & minority group members, & how their thoughts, feelings & behaviour both change the interactions & are changed by their perception of the interaction on a moment-by-moment basis o Typical intergroup interaction characterized by some (or significant degree of) anxiety  Potential causes for anxiety are different for each group in intergroup interaction  For high prejudice majority members, anxiety may reflect their discomfort (sometimes driven by strong negative feelings, such as disgust or anger) with the minority group & their preference to avoid the minority group altogether  For low-prejudice individuals, however, it's important to distinguish b/w those who've had many intergroup interactions (i.e. intergroup skilled) from those who have had few intergroup interactions (intergroup unskilled)  Both groups highly motivated to indicate to minority group individual that they're not prejudiced  Intergroup-skilled majority members have a good idea on how best to present their low-prejudice self to the other individual, & they feel little or no anxiety in interaction  This is conveyed to minority member through a relaxed behaviour & demeanour  The model contends that in this situation the minority member is thus less likely to misinterpret behaviour of low-prejudice majority member as an indicator of underlying prejudice  Rather minority-group member likely to respond in similar fashion  In the case of low-prejudice, intergroup-unskilled majority member, Devine et al. Suggest that intergroup context holds the potential for much misunderstanding due to different motivations, expectations, & perceptions the majority & minority individuals bring to the interaction  b/c intergroup-unskilled individual has had little intergroup contact, they do not know what behaviours are appropriate, what might (unintentionally) communicate prejudice where it does not exist, & what to expect from minority member--> leads to anxiety--> anxiety evidenced in more avoidant nonverbal behaviours (i.e. Reduced eye contact, nervous laughter, & increased interpersonal distance -> this conveys wrong impression to minority member (i.e. That unease is due to prejudice)  Depending on minority member's own prejudi
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