RLG100Y1 Chapter : shinto&jainism.doc

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raspberryscorpion318

17 Apr 2012

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Jaina traditions ch 4. pages: 146-151: the jainism message: the path to happiness, truth and self-realization is the path of restraint. Happiness is the product of not of doing but of not-doing. Tirthankaras who build bridges across the ocean of birth and death, or sam- sara). the jina is the jaina ideal and the focus of their devotion. Jinas potential to be regal and bejeweled, crowned and an arhat, deep in meditation: world renouncer and world conqueror karma, from a life of non-violence, restraint, self-discipline and a commitment to not harm are the starting points. 1st century ce: pure land in india; pure land in china = jungtu; in japan = Mahayana dominant in central asia and china (silk. 5th century ce: sanlun (madhyamika in china) 5th century ce: vajrayana moves to himalayas. 6th century ce: chan in china (buddhism from korea to japan) Mahayana yogacara (in china = faxiang) 9th century ce: persecution of buddhism in china.

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Topic:
How would you explain the finding that people in high-income economies seem happier than people in low-income economies, but, over time, people in high-income economies do not seem to be any happier even if their country grows richer? Briefly discuss.

Optional Reading:

Income and Happiness

The Declaration of Independence in 1776 identified âcertain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.â This did not guarantee happiness but did establish the pursuit of happiness as an âunalienableâ right, meaning that right cannot be taken away, given away, or sold. Eighteenth century philosopher and social reformer Jeremy Bentham argued that government policy should promote the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people.

Many people today apparently agree. In recent polls, 77 percent of Australians and 81 percent of Brits believed that a government's prime objective should be promoting the greatest happiness rather than the greatest wealth. The United Nations in 2007 sponsored an international conference on âHappiness and Public Policy.â Thailand now compiles a monthly Gross Domestic Happiness Index. Even China has joined in the fun reporting a happiness index based on polling results about living conditions, income, the environment, social welfare, and employment. Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom are also developing happiness indexes.

Economists have long shied away from asking people how they feel, preferring instead to observe their behavior. But more now see some value in asking questions. In the most extensive of polls, the Gallup organization asked people in 130 countries: âHow satisfied are you with your life, on a scale of zero to ten?â The results, reported in 2007, are not surprising. Most people in the high income areas, such as the United States, Europe, and Japan, said they are happy. Most people in the poor areas, especially in Africa, said they are not. Also, within a given country, income and happiness are positively related. After evaluating all the results of the Gallup world poll, Angus Deaton of Princeton concluded: âThe very strong international relationship between per capita GDP and life satisfaction suggests that, on average, people have a good idea of how income, or the lack of it, affects their lives.â 8

So these results are no surprise. What does puzzle economists is that other surveys suggest that in affluent countries people do not seem any happier over time even though each generation became richer than the last. For example, in the United States, the proportion of people who say they are happy has stayed about the same despite 60 years of economic growth. In Japan, happiness responses actually declined despite a substantial increase in real income over the last 50 years.

Here are two possible explanations. First, people begin taking for granted those luxuries they most desired. For example, two generations ago color TVs, automobiles, and major appliances were luxuries, but now they are must-items for most households. Computers and flat screen HDTVs will soon move from luxuries to necessities. As each generation attains a higher standard of living, people become less sensitive to the benefits, they take them for granted, and thus they say they are no happier.

Second, research suggests that what matters is not just the absolute level of income but income relative other people in the reference group. Imagine you have a choice between (1) earning $50,000 a year while others in your reference group make $25,000 or (2) earning $100,000 a year while others make $250,000 (suppose, too, that prices remain the same, so $100,000 is double the real income of $50,000). Which would you prefer? Studies show that when people face this hypothetical choice, most pick the $50,000 option. That is, they prefer to make more than others even if that means a lower real income. Thus, if all incomes rise on average over time, this does not affect that aspect of happiness linked to oneâs relative standing. As the social critic H. L. Mencken long ago observed, "A wealthy man is one who earns $100 a year more than his wife's sister's husband."

SOURCES: Daniel Gilbert, Stumbling On Happiness, (New York: Knopf, 2006); Marina Kamenev, âRating Countries for the Happiness Factor,â Business Week, 11 October 2006; Angus Deaton, âIncome, Aging, Health, and Wellbeing Around the World: Evidence from the Gallup World Poll,â Princeton Working Paper, (August 2007); and âWhere Money Seems to Talk,â Economist, 12 July 200

Write a summary of of this article below. You should write at least one paragraph.

ABSTRACT
Feminist theories in sociology reflect the rich diversity of general theoretical
orientations in our discipline; there is no one form of feminist theory. The development
of these theories over the last 25 years has only recently begun to
influence the mainstream theory canon, which has much to learn from their insights.
This chapter demonstrates why feminist versions of the following theory
types should be more fully integrated into mainstream sociological theory:
neo-Marxist, macro-structural, exchange, rational choice, network, status expectations,
symbolic interactionist, ethnomethodological, neo-Freudian, and social
role. Feminist standpoint theory, an epistemological critique of mainstream sociology,
is discussed at the beginning, and the chapter concludes with a brief
account of the newly developing effort to theorize the intersection of race, class,
and gender.
INTRODUCTION
The term âfeminist theoryâ is used to refer to a myriad of kinds of works, produced
by movement activists and scholars in a variety of disciplines; these are
not mutually exclusive and include: (a) normative discussions of how societies
and relationships ought to be structured, their current inequities, and strategies to
achieve equity; (b) critiques of androcentric classical theories, concepts, epistemologies,
and assumptions; (c) epistemological discussions of what constitute
appropriate forms, subject matters, and techniques of theorizing from a feminist
perspective; and (d ) explanatory theories of the relationship between gender and

various social, cultural, economic, psychological, and political structures and
processes. Much of this work is explicitly interdisciplinary in inspiration and
intended audience. To complicate matters further, there is no consensus on the
exact meaning of the word âfeminist,â which makes it difficult to distinguish
with precision between theoretical material that pertains to gender (e.g. Parsons
1949, 1955, which no one would label feminist) and gender-related theory that
is specifically âfeminist.â Finally, there is little consensus among feminist sociologists
about the basic theoretical questions that require an answer, resulting
in the proliferation of theories at a low level of abstraction that explain specific
phenomena (e.g. pay inequity), in addition to more abstract, general works.
To remain within the limits of one chapter, I confine this review in several
ways, beginning by excluding feminist theory that has not been produced or used
extensively by sociologists. While feminist theory is often defined as âwomencenteredâ
(e.g. Lengermann & Niebrugge 1996:436; Smith 1979, 1987; Alway
1995), I use a definition that focuses more broadly on gender, yet maintains the
normative emphasis implied by all definitions of the term feminist, which thus
enables one to distinguish feminist from other gender-relevant theory.

Some feminists focus on those contemporary theories and texts that ignore
the contributions of feminist theories and the topic of gender and conclude that
feminist contributions remain largely ghettoized within our discipline (e.g.Ward
& Grant 1991, Alway 1995). My view is that, while progress has been made
in integrating feminist concerns and insights into the disciplineâs theoretical
discourse, much work remains to be done. This chapter demonstrates the
abundance and variety of feminist theoretical insights that can and already have
to some extent contributed to a more robust theoretical understanding of social
life, one which reflects the centrality of gender in virtually all sociocultural
contexts. It also demonstrates that feminist theories emanate from, critique, and
revise the rich array of theoretical traditions that define our discipline. Space
limitations preclude much discussion of precisely how feminist theories can be
better integrated with mainstream ones. Rather, I focus attention primarily on
reviewing the central insights of feminist theories in order to better inform those
sociologists who may be unfamiliar with much of this body of work about the
rich array of theoretical ideas that are at their disposal.

EPISTEMOLOGICAL ISSUES
Much of the literature that is labeled âfeminist theoryâ consists of epistemology
and epistemological critiques of âmalestreamâ sociology. Its foundations reflect
several nonfeminist traditions, especially Marxâs and Mannheimâs discussions
of ideology, Foucaultâs work on knowledge and power, and phenomenological
and ethnomethodological approaches, the exact mix of influences varying by
author. While this work makes important contributions to these traditions, for
two reasons I believe that it is a misnomer to call thiswork feminist epistemology
(or theory). First, the issues raised are not in any fundamental way different
from those raised by many scholars who haveworked in these traditions but have
not been interested specifically in women or committed to feminism. Feminists
extend their insights in important ways, but this does not constitute a uniquely feminist approach to sociology. Second, many women in sociology, whose
scholarship they and others consider as well within the feminist tradition, do
not agree with this perspective.
Feminist scholars in a number of disciplines critique what they define as
mainstream, âmasculinist,â âobjectivist,â and âpositivistâ social science, and
develop a âfeministâ alternative called standpoint theory. In sociology, the
two most widely cited are Dorothy Smith (especially 1987, 1990, also 1979,
1989) and Patricia Hill Collins (especially 1990, also 1986, 1989), whose basic
ideas constitute the focus of this section (see also Harding 1986, 1991). Where
Smith focuses on developing a âwomanâs standpoint,â Collinsâ work is directed
at an Afrocentric feminist standpoint epistemology. The Issue of Essentialism
Feminist standpoint theory, which is highly attuned to reification committed by
mainstream sociologists, cannot avoid reifying the genders. While Smith and
Collins explicitly recognize considerable variation among women (and presumably
men) in their experiences and consciousness, their own logics, and
many times wording, make it clear that they assume that there are overarching,
gender-specific standpoints; they could not otherwise talk about a âmasculineâ
form of discourse. In addition, Collins explicitly cites such feminist theorists
as Gilligan (1982) and Chodorow (1978, also 1974), who argue that the
genders are fundamentally different in their moral reasoning and capacities
for/commitments to interpersonal relationships.
Positing dichotomous gender differences that are treated as transcultural and
transhistorical is termed âessentialism,â a view that has substantial currency
among feminists in a variety of disciplines but is hotly contested in our own
(e.g. Lorber et al 1981, Coser 1989, Epstein 1988). The empirical evidence for
it is flawed, often based on small, nonrandom, American samples, and typically
finds only modest differences, along with extensive overlap, between the sexes.
Essentialist thinking converts differences of degree into differences of kind. The
presumed but often unstated origin of essential differences includes psychodynamics
rooted in the parental division of labor (Chodorow 1978) and biological
sex (Rossi 1977, 1984). It has become common for feminist scholars to recognize
within-gender categorical differences (e.g. race, class), but this awareness
of difference has often failed to preclude essentialist thinking about basic personality
and value orientations (e.g. the assumption that, regardless of other
differences, women are nurturant and oriented toward personal relationships,
while men are individuating and oriented toward abstract moral principles).
Given that the evidence suggests modest between-sex and considerable withinsex
differences on virtually all individual-level traits, a dichotomous gender
variable is theoretically useless when speaking of individual-level phenomena.
Explanations that begin by categorically attributing different characteristics
to women and menâcognitive, emotional, relational, and/or behavioralânot
only exaggerate differences in the distribution of such traits by gender, they also
implicitly treat these variables as dichotomous rather than continuous.

22. What is the primary reason for having the older adult bring all medications with every office visit, including prescription and nonprescription medicines,vitamins, and herbal supplements?

A. So the health provider can determine if the older adult know the names of the medication.

B. So the health provider can reduce potential polypharmacy in the older adult.

C. So the health provider can ensure the older adult takes prescribed medications

D. So the health provider can assess the older adults lifestyle

23. Which medications should the nurse cautiously review from the Beer's List of medications when documenting the patient's drug profile ?

A. Diuretics

B. Inotropic drugs

C. Benzodiazepines

D. Cyclosporines

24. Which statement is true regarding the use of interdisciplinary team?

A. They enhance primary care visitation.

B. They bring better quality services for clients.

C. They meet the centers for Medicare and Medicaid services guidelines.

D. They expedite nursing care services

26. What should be the nurse's primary consideration while allowing for patient autonomy and reducing risk when dealing with end of life care ?

A.stage of illness

B. Cognitive impairment

C. Weight

D. Age

27. Whicn statement from a nurse would indicate good judgment when considering common myths regarding physical restraint use ?

A. Alternatively to physical restraints are unavailable

B. Inadequate staffing causes the need for physical restraint use.

C. Failure to restrain puts individuals at risk for legal liability

D. Risk of falls exists when restraints are used.

28. A 66 year- old patient lives alone and has a BMI of 32, as well as diabetes. As the nurse begins to encourage the patient to increase current levels of physical activity, the nurse should recognize common barriers identified by the elderly.

Which barrier to physical activity is least common for the elderly?

A. Finding safe area to walk

B. Swelling of ankles

C. Having pain from arthritis

D. Experience fatigue

29. An 81-year-old patient is a new resident in Hill Side Nursing Home. Upon admission the patient had a Braden score of 17.

Which statement would indicate that the RN on duty lacks understanding that the patient is at risk for pressure ulcers?

A. The primary risk factor is immobility.

B. The primary risk factor is a BMI < 24

C. The primary risk factor is polypharmacy

D. The primary risk factor is malnutrition

30. Harriett is a 92-year-old who lives in assisted living; she recently fell and broke her hip. Harriet and her family would like to keep Harriet safe and at the highest level of independence on her return to her accommodations from the hospital.

Which action should the nurse take to help Harriet and her family ?

A. Counsel about home safely assessments

B. Tell Harriet to become active in the local Tai Chi program

C. Discuss the rate of unintentional injuries for older aldults

D. Have Harriet and her family request a daily room check by staff

31. Sharron is a 90- year-old female who lived in Asia for most of her life and is a nonnative English speaker. She recently had emergency gallbladder surgery.

Which nursing action would be best to do before discharging Sharron back to her accommodations?

A. Explore her use of alternative medicines

B. Explore English as a second language lessons

C. Explore aromatherapy for relaxation purposes

D. Explore counciling for depression options.

32. Agnes is a 77 year old who lost her husband last year and has congestive heart failure. She has a move in with her son Alex. She has been brought to the ER by Alex who says she is short of breath. He doesn't know how long she has been in the state, nor does he know the medication she should be on.

What is the nursing priority?

A. Admit and stabilize the patient

B. Call Agne's daughter

C. Contact social services

D. Ask the son if he is overwhelmed

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