AAS 17 Lecture 9: Week 9 Questions
30 May 2018
School
Department
Course
Professor
STELLA NYANZI
1. Mariama Bojang blames the government for the way her family treated her when they found
out she was HIV+.
2. After Mariama got better, her husband wanted to reunite with her but she refused.
3. Mariama performed her prayers on time and repeatedly prayed for others. This showed she was
a religious women.
4. The researcher found the fact of being HIV+ past the age of child-bearing disturbing because it
implies an active sexual life.
5. As a young woman growing up in Africa, the researcher had to find a way to navigate between
all the conflicting ideals and messages, be young, trendy, and sexy or don’t have boyfriends
because only ‘bad’ girls do.
6. The popular feeling about women who take action in sexual relations is that she is not behaving
as a proper woman should.
7. The different kinds of male partners that young women in Mozambique had sexual relations
with were namorado (boyfriends), pito (sex partners), sengue (older married men from whom
you would expect money but not a long term relationship), and amante (married men but who
treat you like a 2nd wife although in secret). Condoms would not be used with namorados and
seldom with amantes, but could be negotiated with pitos and at times also with sengues.
8. Aisha Sowe did not have a say in her arranged marriage.
9. Aisha’s husband, Abu, beat her when she gave him the card disclosing that she was HIV+.
10. Aisha’s mother’s relatives were urging her to re-marry after she began receiving treatment.
VERONIKA FUEST
1. The informal women’s organizations that emerged since the end of the war offer self-help in
areas of joint production, reconstruction, marketing, security, ‘trauma healing’ and traditional
skills training.
2. The most influential traditional organization which involved Liberian women in trans-ethnic
activities was the Sande in the country’s northwest.
3. Women in the southeast of Liberia tend to perceive men and women as different and
complementary instead of the latter being inferior.
4. Sande and Poro leaders cast themselves as brokers and exclusive ritual managers between the
realms of male and female and between the supernatural and daily life.
5. Sande leaders and important members, such as midwives, could extract considerable fees and
labor services from senior relatives of the initiates and their prospective husbands.
6. The Sande have fostered an ideology of solidarity among women and female strength in the face
of male harassment, inasmuch as certain skills for manipulating men were passed on at
initiation and consolidated action was mobilized against men who transgressed society’s rules.
7. Multiple lines of inclusions and exclusion associated with women’s movements have occurred
most notably along lines of ethnicity/race, class and gender.
8. Since 1994 when educated women activists founded the network, there has reportedly been
major conflict between the uneducated/’country’ and educated/’Congo’ women. It would seem
that the uneducated have to some extent been instrumentalized by their leaders.
