MARCH 19, 2012:
How post war settlements changed in the 1970s and 1980s is a function of how post
war settlements emerged initially after 1945.
France and Italy: labour exclusion
Moderation of the left comes later in both France and Italy. Moderation of the left
comes after an episode of labour militancy in both cases. In France this is “May-June
’68,” and there is an episode of widespread labour unrest in French politics in 1968
that quickly mutates into a more wide ranging attack on the institutions of the 5
republic. There is a similar episode in Italian politics in early 1970, known as the
“hot autumn.” First, there is mobilization of the left (parties, trade unions) and this
mutates into a wider attack on Italian institutions. In both of these episodes, the
communist parties are important actors (PCF and PCR).
In both cases, there are powerful communist parties and powerful communist trade
unions. In both cases, parties of the left are excluded from political power. The one
exception is the irregular appearance of the socialist party and the coalitions that
government France in the 4 republic. In general, parties on the left do not have
Although they are both patterns of labour exclusions, there are differences in terms
of the presence and importance of the state. State planning is not important in Italy
and is much more important in France. The state much more involved in France in
setting targets for specific industries. The Italian state is weaker than the French
In Italy, the legislature dominates politics, not the political executive. State
bureaucracy is a much more important player in France than in Italy. In France,
there is a kind of modernizing political coalition that links business and state.
There is institutional continuity in Italy, and there is institutional discontinuity in
France (Italy is still under the 1 republic and is stable as a constitution in regime,
whereas France moved from the 4 to the 5 .) th
In Italy, one party dominates well into the 1980s (the Christian Democratic Party),
and this party is embedded in and connected to a catholic network and can draw on
its linkages to the church and affiliated organizations. It is also able to bridge the
division between North and South in Italy. This party is also able to use patronage
politics to mobilize support, especially in the South of Italy.
Regional divisions were more important in Italy (ie. Between North and South) than
in France. The divisions were never resolved in the formation of the Italian state,
and this division becomes a reason for a new regional party to form in the North in
Other problems: Germany had too much consensus, Britain had the question of who
governs (trade unions?), and France and Italy were labour exclusion.
European politics begins to change as a consequence of generational change in the
1960s and 1970s. This generation is become politically active and were not exposed
to the World Wars or the period of economic reconstruction. The stage of economic
and political reconstruction is coming to an end as they are maturing politically. An
important actor, aside from labour, was the student.
“Old Politics” is the politics of class. The consolidation of liberal democracy
depended on class compromise and the political settlement of the class question. Post war settlements are different kind of class compromises. Keohane calls this
In between the old and new politics is a period of change during the late 1960s and
Koehane argues that post war settlements are more than domestic political
bargains. He is interested in the way in which the international political economy in
changes in this economy have consequences for embedded liberalism. He argues
post war settlements are stable because they emerge in a particular economic
conjuncture. He introduces an international dimension into post-war settlements.
Esping-Anderson connects post-war settlement to the politics of the old left, post
war capitalism. He explores how changes to industrial capitalism have affected the
politicization of c