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Lecture 14

LING316 Lecture 14: lecture14

3 Pages
31 Views
Fall 2016

Department
Linguistics
Course Code
LING316
Professor
Terry Nadasdi
Lecture
14

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Tuesday, October 28
R in the Southern US
Deletion was spreading westward from cultural centers. R-fullness was typical of rural,
older and uneducated speech, of those outside of the plantation system, while
R-lessness was associated with more dominant societal levels. Its initial prestige in the
US was weak at best and increased with increased contact between seaports and
London. The northern prestige of R collided with the southern prestige of deletion in
Hillsboro. Upper middle class speakers used one or the other. Other classes displayed
greater variation. Correlations with age and style suggest R presence was winning the
prestige battle.
New York City
Variation was so great that it was described as being entirely unsystematic and lacking
pattern. This is where Labov steps in (he’s the guy interested in finding the pattern in
variation and who really doesn’t believe in “free variation
). He was convinced that R-full
was becoming the new prestige norm and set out to show this.
Independent Variables
Style: causal and emphatic.
Style Shifting
Regarding style: in carefull pronunciation, Sak’s and Macy’s are almost the same, as
such, it seems that it is the r-full (more in slides)
Hypercorrection
Two definitions:
Use of a form that is believed to be prestigious even though the way the individual
used it is not in keeping with the way the prestige group uses it, for example:
“between you and I”, intervocalic R-lessness in the South.
The other kind of hypercorrection is quantitative in nature and it is the kind mentioned in
the NYC study.
Who hypercorrects?
The lower middle class, i.e. in certain styles, they use even more of the prestige
form that the class above.
This table (in slides) shows that in NYW the lower middle class uses R in formal styles
even more than the upper middle class, and as the bar graph on page 167 shows, this is
particularly true of the older speakers. Hypercorrection of this type suggests that those
individuals who hypercorrect are keenly aware of the prestige of a particular form. And,
they use is abundantly when paying attention to how they speak, and a pattern like this is
highly suggestive of change in progress.
Age

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Description
Tuesday, October 28 R in the Southern US Deletion was spreading westward from cultural centers. R-fullness was typical of rural, older and uneducated speech, of those outside of the plantation system, while R-lessness was associated with more dominant societal levels. Its initial prestige in the US was weak at best and increased with increased contact between seaports and London. The northern prestige of R collided with the southern prestige of deletion in Hillsboro. Upper middle class speakers used one or the other. Other classes displayed greater variation. Correlations with age and style suggest R presence was winning the prestige battle. New York City Variation was so great that it was described as being entirely unsystematic and lacking pattern. This is where Labov steps in (he’s the guy interested in finding the pattern in variation and who really doesn’t believe in​ ​ ree variation). He was convinced that R-full was becoming the new prestige norm and set out to show this. Independent Variables Style: causal and emphatic. Style Shifting Regarding style: in carefull pronunciation, Sak’s and Macy’s are almost the same, as such, it seems that it is the r-full (more in slides) Hypercorrection Two definitions: Use of a form that is believed to be prestigious even though the way the individual used it is not in keeping with the way the prestige group uses it, for example: “between you and I”, intervocalic R-lessness in the South. The other kind of hypercorrection is quantitative in nature and it is the kind mentioned in the NYC study. Who hypercorrects? The lower middle class, i.e. in certain styles, they use even more of the prestige form that the class above. This table (in slides) shows that in NYW the lower middle class uses R in formal styles even more than the upper middle class, and as the bar graph on page 167 shows, this is particularly true of the older speakers. Hypercorrection of this type suggests that those individuals who hypercorrect are keenly aware of the prestige of a particular form. And, they use is abundantly when paying attention to how they speak, and a pattern like this is highly suggestive of change in progress. Age Labov examined age, to consider change in progress. To measure the possible affect of age on the variable, he established three age groups (15-30; 35-50; 55-70). When looking at the results for all stores together, no significant results were obtained. How could this be when all other indicators of social differentiation followed an explainable pattern (ex. Occupation at Macy’s; individual floor at Sak’s) Furthermore, when looking at each store individually, only Sak’s showed the predicted pattern for age and innovation. NYC (age) Macy’s showed the reverse of what we would expect and Klein’s showed no real age differentiation at all. This is the first time we have evidence running contrary to the original hypothesis. What should we do? Simply discount age? Or look more closely at what may be going on? To answer this questions, Labov returned to his preliminary interviews. Where he has elicited a number of different speech styles for three different social classes, which could be seen as corresponding more or less to the 3 dept. stores. The results he found for his interviews were almost identical to those for the dept. stores, i.e. MC worked well, LMC was reversed, and WC showed no discernible age pattern. He then considered age at the same time as style and class. In doing so, he noted that in casual speech, the only group having a sizable number of r-full pronunciations was the UMC, under the age of 40. For this group, it was clear that “R-full“ was the new norm. However, in careful speech, middle-age
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