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SOC101Y1 Final notes

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Robert Brym

Chapter 1 - Introduction - Sociology: Systematic study of human behaviour in social context - Emerged during Industrial Revolution: - Era of massive social transformation accompanied by new social problems - Sociological perspectthe examines association between social events and social relations - Classic 19 century example  Durkheim’s analysis of suicide: - Examined association between suicide rates and social relations  Demonstrated that suicide rates are strongly influenced by social forces - demonstrated that suicide is more than just an individual act of desperation resulting from psychological disorder, as was commonly believed at the time - Durkheim’s theory of suicide: - Social solidarity: Degree to which group member share beliefs and values, and intensity and frequency of interaction - Demonstrated variation in social solidarity in different groups: - Those weakly integrated into social groups are more likely to commit suicide - As level of social solidarity increases, suicide rate declines - Durkheim argued that as the level of social solidarity increases, the suicide rate declines; then, beyond a certain point, it starts to rise. = Hence the U-shaped curve in the graph - 3 types of suicide: - Anomic suicide: Occurs in low social solidarity settings, where norms governing behaviour are vaguely defined - Egoistic suicide: Results from lack of integration of individual into society because of weak social ties to others - Altruistic suicide: Occurs in high social solidarity contexts, where norms tightly govern behaviour - Implications of Durkheim’s analysis of suicide: - Social forces exist as distinct level of reality that is: - External to individuals - Constrains individual behaviour - Social structures: Relatively stable patterns of social relations - Microstructures: Overarching patterns of intimate social relations formed during face-to-face interaction (e.g., families, friendships, work associations) - Macrostructures: Overarching patterns of social relations outside one’s circle of intimates and acquaintances (e.g., class relations, bureaucratic organizations, power systems) - Global structures: Patterns of social relations outside and above national level (e.g., United Nations, European Union, NAFTA region)* - C. Wright Mills’ concept of sociological imagination: Ability to see connection between personal troubles and social structure - One of sociologist’s main task: Identify and explain connection between people’s personal troubles and social structures in which people are embedded - Origins of the sociological imagination: - Scientific Revolution (circa 1550): Encouraged evidence-based conclusions about society - Democratic Revolution (circa 1750): Suggested people were responsible for creating society; thus, human intervention capable of solving social problems - Industrial Revolution (circa 1780): Created host of social problems; attracted attention of social thinkers - Origins of sociology: - Comte (1838): Coined term ―sociology‖ - Sought to understand social world using scientific method of research - But also had vision of ideal society - Values: Ideas about right and wrong, good and bad - Inform what issues are considered important - Help sociologists formulate and favour certain theories - Theories: Tentative explanations of some aspect of social life that state how and why certain facts are related - Research: Process of systematically observing reality in order to ―test‖ theories - Main theoretical traditions in sociology: - Functionalism - Stresses human behaviour is governed by relatively stable patterns of interaction - Focuses on how social structures either maintain or undermine social stability - Argues social structures are based mainly on shared values - Suggests re-establishing equilibrium as a solution to most social problems - Conflict theory - Focuses on large, macro-level structures (e.g., relations between or among classes) - Shows how major patterns of inequality produce social stability in some circumstances and social change in others - Stresses how members of privileged groups seek to maintain advantages, while subordinate groups struggle to increase theirs - Typically recommends eliminating privilege as means of reducing social conflict and increasing sum of human welfare - symbolic interactionism - Focuses on face-to-face interaction in micro-level social settings - Emphasizes need for understanding subjective meanings that people attach to social circumstances - Argues that people help create their social circumstances, not merely react to them - Increases understanding and tolerance of difference by validating unpopular and unofficial viewpoints - feminist theory - Focuses on various aspects of patriarchy: System of male domination in society - Suggests male domination and female subordination are determined by structures of power and social convention rather than biology - Examines operation of patriarchy in both micro and macro social settings - Recommends eliminating patterns of gender inequality - Today’s social setting is characterized by: - Postindustrialism: Technology-driven shift from manufacturing to service industries and attendant consequences of that shift for all of society - Globalization: Process by which formerly separate economies, states, and cultures become tied together; also characterized by people becoming increasingly aware of their growing interdependence - Sociological issues in the postindustrial era: - Autonomy versus constraint: Individuals are more free to construct identities but are limited by new technologies (e.g., surveillance technologies) - Prosperity versus inequality: Are new economic, political, and educational opportunities, yet persistence of economic and political inequality - Diversity versus uniformity: Increased tolerance of diversity amidst strong push for conformity in many spheres of life Chapter 6 – Social Stratification - Social stratification: Refers to persistent patterns of social inequality in a society - Is perpetuated by the way wealth, power, and prestige are distributed and passed on from one generation to the next - Exists in all societies - Status: Rank or position in a social hierarchy - Statuses may be: - Ascribed (assigned at birth), or - Achieved (earned by performance) - Types of stratification systems: - Open stratification system: Stratification system in which merit rather than inheritance (ascribed characteristics) determines social rank - Allows for social change - Is reflected in a meritocracy: Positions are achieved, not ascribed - Characterized by equal opportunity and high social mobility (movement up or down a social hierarchy) - Closed stratification system: Stratification system in which inheritance rather than merit determines social rank - Little social change possible - Reflected in a caste system: Positions are ascribed, not achieved - Characterized by little social mobility - Class: Position in an economic hierarchy occupied by individuals or families with similar access to, or control over, material resources (e.g., working class, professional class) - Class structure: Relatively permanent economic hierarchy comprising different social classes - Socioeconomic status: Person’s general status within an economic hierarchy, based on income, education, and occupation - Explanations of social stratification: Marx on stratification th - Writings focus particularly on 19 century European world rapidly being changed by industrial capitalism - Industrial Revolution: Tremendous increase in level of economic production and degree of inequality - Key concepts in Marx’s theory: - Mode of production: Overall system of economic activity (e.g., slavery, capitalism) - mode of production comprises: - Means of production: Technology, capital investments, raw materials used in production - Social relations of production: Relationships between main classes involved in production - Two major classes within industrial capitalism: - The bourgeoisie: Owners of the means of production - The proletariat: Workers who exchange their labour for a wages - Secondary class: The petite bourgeoisie: Independent owners/ producers (e.g., farmers) and small business owners* - Exploitation of wage labourers was result of surplus value: When proceeds from sale of goods produced by wage-labourers far exceed cost of wages, raw materials, etc. - Surplus value then turned into profits for owners (i.e., capitalists) - Class conflict: Conflict between major classes within a mode of production - Is driving force behind social change - Eventually leads to evolution of new mode of production - Envisioned capitalism being replaced with socialist mode of production (i.e., no private property with its attendant exploitation and inequality) - Theorized workers would develop class-consciousness: Recognition by members of a class of their shared interest in opposition to members of another class - Would lead to revolutionary upheaval and eventually classes society based on collective ownership of means of production (e.g., communism) - Criticized for predictions not finding support in: - Later capitalist societies, which were characterized by absence of widespread class conflict, growth of the middle class, and relative decline in material inequality in 20 century  Example: Western Europe and North America - Later socialist systems of government, which were characterized by persistent inequality, and new hierarchy that controls political and bureaucratic apparatus  Example: Russia Weber on stratification: - Focused on determinants of power: Ability to impose one’s wishes on others - Structural basis of power: - Class (power derived from position in economic hierarchy) - Status (power derived from culturally and socially defined position that person occupies in a group) - Party (political power) - Power depends on one’s location in these three structures - He had the advantage of seeing the direction in which more mature industrial capitalism was taking European society; he saw more complexity in social stratification system and recognized more classes than Marx - Argued that, historically, the economic dimension of stratification tends to become dominant - Gave primary emphasis in social stratification to economic underpinnings - Claimed there was larger variety of class positions than found in Marx’s theory - Emphasized life chances: Opportunities (or lack thereof) for higher standard of living and a better quality of life that are available to members of a given class - Class position is determined by “market situation”: the possession of goods, opportunities for income, level of education, and level of technical skill. - The four main classes: large property owners, small property owners, propertyless but highly educated employees, and propertyless manual workers. - Status groups (distinguished by differences in prestige) and parties (distinguished by differences in power) also stratify the social order, to some degree independently of class. - Class conflict may occur but classlessness is unlikely Davis and Moore: Functional theory of stratification - Inequality exists in all societies  Must be necessary - All societies have occupational roles that need to be filled, with some roles requiring more training than others (e.g., the more important roles) - Greater rewards (e.g., money, prestige) necessary to encourage people to undertake extended training and fill these important roles - Social inequality is therefore necessary and inevitable - Theory does not account for the following: - Huge income and wealth inequalities - Gender differences in income even if same type of work undertaken - Inherited wealth - Arbitrariness of denoting most important roles (e.g., movie stars, nurses, daycare workers) - Criticized as justification for large inequalities Lenski: Technology and stratification systems - Society’s technological base largely determines degree of inequality within it - Owners of means of production need to rely on well-educated managerial and technical workers - Reliance gives rise to workers’ demands for greater portion of the growing wealth in industrial society - Employers give in to demands because they cannot produce wealth without these workers - Envisioned movement towards more equal distribution of wealth - Lenski’s theory resembled the functionalist theory of stratification – both noted that better-educated and more highly skilled workers are paid more - However, unlike the functionalist approach, Lenski’s theory clearly took power differences into account, emphasizing how the extent of accumulation of wealth by elites, or the degree of material inequality, depends on the power and bargaining ability of middle-level workers - Also, Lenski brought power and conflict back into his explanation of social inequality: - He placed material inequalities resulting from one group’s domination of another at the centre of his model, thus coming closer to the approach taken by Marx and Weber Wright’s neo-Marxist theory of class: - Recognized that as industrial capitalism matured, the middle class had grown and become more diverse - Emphasized ―contradictory class locations‖: An occupational grouping with divided loyalties - Also identified three classes of owners and nine classes of wage labourers (PICTURE ON TOP OF NEXT PAGE) - Argued exploitation of one class by another can occur through: - Control of property or means of production (as Marx insisted) - Ownership of skill or credential assets, and - Control of high positions within organizations Parkin’s Neo-Weberian approach: - Developed Weber’s concept of social closure: Methods used by more powerful groups to maintain their unequal access to status and resources, and to exclude others from such access - Two types of closure strategies: - Exclusion: Organized effort of the privileged, more powerful groups to maintain their advantaged position (e.g., lawyers, members of trade unions) - Usurpation: Effort of excluded groups to gain advantages and power at expense of more powerful groups (e.g., women) - Like Lenski, Parkin took a keen interest in the power struggles within society between groups with more and less power - However, Parkin’s neo-Weberian theory does not contain a premise of inevitability, either one of increased inequality and eventual social revolution as Marx predicted, or one of reduced inequality resulting from technological change and economic growth, as Lenski predicted - Occupations, social class, and inequality in Canada - Most prominent occupational shift over 20 century was decline in agricultural occupations - Also decline (albeit less) in other natural resource-based occupations (e.g., forestry, fishing, mining) - Increase in white-collar occupations (e.g., managerial, professional, clerical [office jobs], sales, and service categories) - Have come to greatly outnumber blue-collar occupations (e.g., manufacturing, construction, transportation, and resource-based operations) - Increase in proportion of occupations requiring higher education - Occupational shifts suggest: - Greater class diversity, not polarization of classes - Rising standard of living for Canadian workers, not increasing poverty and exploitation - The most prominent occupational shift over the course of the century is the decline in agricultural occupations, from 34 percent of all labour force participants in 1911 to only 2 percent in 2006. - We also observe a decline, albeit not as steep, in other natural resource–based occupations (forestry, fishing, mining). - Manufacturing occupations increased in relative terms (from 14 percent to 17 percent) between the beginning and middle of the last century, but by 2006 had dropped to only 7 percent of the total labour force. - The decline in manufacturing jobs has continued since then (Lin, 2008), intensifying further in 2009 as the Canadian economy shrank as a result of global financial and economic instability - Gender-based labour market stratification has continued: - Since middle of last century, proportion of women in labour force has risen - But mostly in low-paid, low status ―pink-collar‖ sector (clerical, sales, and service occupations) - Large class of paid workers differentiated by: - Decision-making authority - Income status - Occupational power - Dramatic decrease in proportion of self-employed Canadians over past century - Increase in unemployment - Part-time and temporary work more common - Income growth has stopped - Increase in income and wealth inequality - Occupational mobility: Moving up and down occupational and income ladders - Intragenerational occupational mobility: Mobility within an individual’s lifetime - Intergenerational occupational mobility: Process of reaching occupation location higher or lower than location held by parents - Occupational status attainment: Main determinant of status of a person’s current job is status of first job (dependent on educational attainment) Occupational mobility in Canada - Globally, one of highest rates of upward mobility - More upward than downward intergenerational mobility - Factor in upward mobility: Structural mobility which results from change in shape of occupational structure (e.g., decline of agriculture, rise of white collar occupations) - Is also circulatory mobility: Characterized by better qualified replacing less qualified people, as well as people moving downward - Relatively open stratification system (especially during 1970s and 1980s) - Yet intergenerational transfer of advantage persists The distribution of wealth in Canada - Limited number of people continue to own or control very large portion of wealth Concentration of ownership and wealth inequality continue to increase: Wealthiest 10% of families holds almost half of all wealth in Canada - Upper middle class: Those with well-paid managerial and professional occupations (e.g., lawyers, dentists) - Lower working class: Retail workers and those employed in service occupations (e.g., childcare and home support services) - Gender differences hidden in occupational earning patterns: Females earn less than males in all occupations but earnings ratio varies considerably by occupation Since mid-20 century, little change in distribution of total income across households - But increase in income inequality  Decline in share of total income received by the three middle quintiles - Immigrants significantly overrepresented among Canada’s working poor despite higher education and training - Since 1990, average family income increased by 1%, versus 40% increase in average family debt - Various ways of defining poverty: - Absolute poverty: Those with so little income that survival is difficult - Relative poverty: Those with significantly less income than others in their society - Canada’s low-income cut-off (LICO) or poverty line: Those who spend more than 55% of gross income on basic necessities - Proportion of poor Canadians in 2001: 14.4% - Only minority unemployed or out of labour force - Working poor (those employed in low wage jobs) make up large proportion of the poor - Aboriginal Canadians among poorest citizens - While the poverty tracks the unemployment rate, most poor people work.  Therefore, not only rising unemployment but also any decline in real wages will lead to an increase in the number of people below the poverty line - as labour market conditions have deteriorated and as governments have cut back on transfer payments, the working poor and the unemployed have come to make up a larger proportion of Canada’s poor Social assistance for the poor - Misconception that level of social assistance provides disincentive to work - Ontario social assistance provides: - Income of only 34% of poverty line for single employable adults - Income of only 56% of poverty line for single parents - Income of only 59% of poverty line for those with disabilities - Welfare recipients who had disabilities received a larger total annual transfer payment ($12 382), putting them at 57 percent of the LICO and at 53 percent of the median income for single adults with disabilities. - Welfare rates for single parents with one child were somewhat higher ($16 439), an income level that placed them at 61 percent of the poverty line and at only 46 percent of the median income for all single parents in the province in 2007. - As for couples with two children, their welfare rates were the highest ($21 058), since four or more people were being supported on this amount. - But even when receiving this maximum amount of social assistance, the income of these Ontario families would only have been just over half of the amount required to get above the poverty line (52 percent), and only one-quarter (24 percent) of the median income for all couples with children in Ontario in 2007. Material inequality in Canada: a summary - Level of material inequality is relatively low compared with many other countries and with a century ago - But have witnessed increases in: Corporate concentration, Wealth inequality, Income inequality, Number of working poor, Unemployment rates (long-term trend), Part-time and temporary employment, Inequality in earnings (re: polarization in hours worked) - This is not to suggest that a new era of massive inequalities isdawning; however, the evidence is clear that material inequalities are rising, not declining, and that society is becoming more polarized in terms of access to and control over economic resources - Using Weber’s definition of class, class differences in Canada and the United States are becoming more pronounced - For a decade and perhaps two, the gap between the advantaged and disadvantaged has been widening in Canada - There is more wealth and income inequality and an increase in the number of poor due to high levels of unemployment and more part-time, temporary, and poorly paid jobs. - Reduction in employment opportunities - More competitive economic environment (due to globalization) - Routine layoffs and downsizing - Replacement of full-time permanent jobs with part-time and temporary positions - Weakened labour movement - Decrease in state efforts to reduce material inequalities - Position in class structure has effect on belief systems, behaviours, voting patterns, lifestyles, and, most importantly, life chances (e.g., health, longevity, educational attainment, criminality) - Children from poorer families typically do not do as well in school as more affluent children, are more likely to drop out before completing high school, and are less likely to go on to higher education - Such effects of poverty are largely responsible for the perpetuation of class inequalities from one generation to the next - For a variety of reasons, including better nutrition, access to better health care, and less hazardous working conditions, those who are situated higher in the economic hierarchy are typically healthier than the poor - On average, the poor do not live as long as those who are better off - Similarly, when dealing with the criminal justice system, those with greater access to and control over economic resources tend to fare better; the poor are consequently overrepresented in jails Life-chances are a function of position in the class structure: Those higher up in the economic hierarchy enjoy a better quality of life - Increasing inequality may mean more social unrest among the poor - But more opposition today from better-organized, better-funded middle class Responding to inequality - Two views: - Inequality is inevitable and need not be addressed (tends to be espoused by the well-off) - Inequality is unjust and needs to be addressed (tends to be espoused by the poor): - Socialist response: Overthrow capitalism - Reformist response: Government redistribution of wealth to the poor (e.g., through pensions, minimum-wage legislation, unemployment insurance) Chapter 8 – Race and Ethnic Relations - Sociology of race and ethnic relations: Concerns primarily study of how power and resources are unequally distributed among racial and ethnic groups Ethnicity: the social construction of difference - Misguided assumption that race and ethnicity are ascribed statuses rather than achieved statuses (i.e., statuses acquired by virtue of social definition) - Ethnicity may be defined in two ways: - Objectively (by group language, culture, customs, national origin, and ancestry) - Subjectively (by self-identification of group members) - Most people think of race and ethnicity as referring to unchangeable cultural or biological characteristics that people are born with - Sociologists recognize that ethnicity and race are socially defined and do change – they are ―acquired‖ rather than ―ascribed‖ characteristics - Prejudice  Unfavourable, generalized and rigid belief applied to all members of a group - Discrimination  Practices that deny members of particular groups equal access to societal rewards Race: the social construction of difference - Race: Socially constructed label used to describe certain kinds of physical differences between people - Genetic differences between racial groups are arbitrary, small, and behaviourally insignificant - Despite social construction, race and ethnicity are important parts of our social reality - Many continue to believe in existence of race and ethnicity and organize their relationships with others based on those beliefs - Racism  Biological versions refer to belief that: - Humans are subdivided into distinct hereditary groups that are innately different in social behaviour and mental capacities, and - Can be ranked as superior or inferior - New racism Theory of human nature that suggests it is natural for groups to form bounded communities - One group neither better nor worse than the other, but feelings of antagonism will be aroused if outsiders admitted - In new racism, the beliefs should be considered racist because of their underlying intent: to socially exclude, marginalize, and denigrate certain groups of people, but to do so without reference to unalterable biology - Institutional racism  Discriminatory racial practices built into the structure of politics, economic life, and education - Are three forms: - Institutional practices based on explicitly racist ideas (e.g., Chinese people excluded from certain jobs and denied right to vote until 1947) - Institutional practices that arose from - but are no longer sustained by - racist ideas (e.g., in 1960s, black workers from Caribbean admitted to work on southern Ontario farms) - Institutional practices that sometimes unintentionally exclude certain groups through seemingly neutral rules, regulations, and procedures - Examples: Systemic discrimination found in racial profiling in policing, and height and weight requirements for police officers and firefighters Theories of race and ethnic relations - Four main approaches that seek to explain various forms of ethnic and racial hostility: - Social psychological approaches - Focus on how prejudice and racism satisfy psychic needs of certain people - Example: Frustration-aggression theory  Explains prejudice and racism as forms of hostility that arise from people frustrated in efforts to achieve goals - Racial and ethnic groups become safe targets (i.e., scapegoats) of displaced aggression - Limitation: Does not specify circumstances that lead to aggression, or why some groups rather than others are chosen as scapegoats - Primordialism - Suggests ethnic attachments reflect innate tendency of people to seek out and associate with their ―own kind‖ - Example: Sociobiology  Prejudice and discrimination stem from our innate tendency to be nepotistic - Ethnic prejudice and racism are ways of maintaining social boundaries - Limitation: Cannot explain intragroup conflict or intergroup harmony - Normative theories - Focus on how prejudices are transmitted through socialization and social circumstances that compel discriminatory behaviour - Example: Socialization approach  Focuses on how we are taught ethnic and racial stereotypes , prejudices, and attitudes by families, peer groups, and mass media - Argue that prejudice and attitudes are learned through social interaction - Limitation: Unable to explain how prejudicial ideas, attitudes, and practices first arise - Power-conflict theories - Stress how ethnic and racial conflict derives from distribution of power in society - Orthodox Marxism  Argues racism is ideology used by capitalists to mystify social reality and justify intense exploitation of minority and immigrant workers - Racist ideas used to create artificial divisions in working class, thereby quelling formation of class consciousness (threat to social/economic order) - Limitation: Racism is not confined to capitalist class - Split labour market theory  Racial and ethnic conflict rooted in differences in price of labour - Argues employers try to replace high-paid white workers with low –paid nonwhite workers - High-paid workers try to protect own interests by limiting capitalists’ access to cheaper nonwhite workers - Suggests individual racism, ethnic prejudice, and institutional racism emerge from intergroup conflict - Maintains prejudicial ideas and discriminatory behaviour are ways of socially marginalizing minority groups that dominant group views as threats to their position of power and privilege - Recommends looking beyond individual personalities and sociobiological processes and analyze processes of economic, social, and political competition among groups Aboriginal Peoples - Aboriginal peoples in Canada: Group comprised of Indians, Inuit, and Métis - Indian (or status or registered Indians): Refers to those recognized as ―Indians‖ according to federal government’s Indian Act - Métis: Either descendants of historic Métis, or anyone of mixed European-Indian ancestry who self-defines as Métis, and whose self-definition is accepted by other Métis - Inuit: Diverse group of people who have lived for centuries north of the tree line - Aboriginal peoples are the most socially and economically disadvantaged groups in Canada - Three explanations for social and economic disadvantage: - The government’s view - Poverty linked to state efforts to forcibly Europeanize and Christianize Aboriginal peoples and culture: Premised on belief that Indian culture was inferior to European culture - Government’s legislative, regulatory, and educational approach reflected view that inequality, poverty, and poor social conditions were rooted in Aboriginal cultural and racial inferiority - The culture of poverty thesis - Poverty linked to Aboriginal culture that does not value capitalist work ethic, economic success, materialism, and achievement - Argument criticized for confusing effect with cause: Aboriginal people born into certain situations in life and adopt values and attitudes consistent with their life-chances - Conflict theory - Internal colonial model: Analyzes problem of inequality in terms of power imbalances and exploitation of Aboriginal peoples by white society - Argues misuse of state power (e.g. land-claim disputes) and paternalistic federal laws (e.g., Indian Act) have disempowered Aboriginal peoples by fostering social marginality and dependence - Model criticized for tendency to overgeneralize about conditions of Aboriginal peoples in Canada - Aboriginal peoples not homogeneous socioeconomic group but divided by both gender and class privilege - Feminist theorists note lack of gender equality is concern of many Aboriginal women - Conflict theorists note political and economic implications of socioeconomic differentiation within Aboriginal communities (e.g., control of land- claim settlements by small ruling elites) - Argue for existence of two-class structure among Aboriginal peoples Quebec: Nationalism and Identity - Following 1763 conquest of New France by Britain, anglophone elite became new colonizing power of what is now Quebec - Gradually took over economic and political affairs of Quebec - French thnadians in Quebec (who formed numerical majority) were more disadvantaged materially than anglophone minority - Mid 20 century witnessed rise of new francophone middle class of technical workers and professionals - Facing blocked mobility due to English control of economic institutions, members pushed for expansion and modernization of Quebec state - Found expression in the ―Quiet Revolution‖ of 1960s: Social, political, and cultural changes that occurred in Quebec in the 1960s, in part because of the initiatives of this new middle class - These changes in the Quiet Revolution included the secularization of the educational system, reform of the civil service, growth in the provincially controlled public sector, greater involvement of the Quebec provincial government in the economic affairs of the province, and questioning of the Catholic Church’s authority in all areas of life - Support for contemporary sovereignty movement comes from variety of groups who identify Québécois as a colonized and exploited people - Groups also have differing views of how best to maintain their language and culture: Moderates want to strengthen Quebec’s position within the federal system, while radicals are for own state - Radical supporters argue the best way for the French language and culture to survive is for the people of Quebec to have their own state; they argue that they will always be a minority if they stay in Canada and that they always will be subject to the tyranny of the majority Who is Québécois? - Population of Quebec is ethnically heterogeneous - Nations comprised of ―imaginary communities‖ in terms of physical and social boundaries that define group membership - Symbolic boundaries of what defines Québécois are articulated differently: - Civic nationalists  All those who now reside in Quebec - Ethnic nationalists  Only those who share a common history, culture, ancestry, or language (are known as pure laine – pure wool – Québécois) Immigration: State formation and economic development - In 2001, immigrants represented 18.4% of Canada’s population (percentage greater in large cities) - Migration has been feature of Canadian history for over 300 years - Immigrants contributed to formation of capitalist state - Immigrants continue to make important contributions to social reproduction of Canadian society - Without new immigrants, Canada’s population will begin to decline by 2015 Six factors that shape Canadian immigration - Social class: Most immigrants are admitted to Canada because of Canada’s economic needs and interests - Most immigrants are admitted to the country because they have skills needed by the Canadian economy or because they can create jobs for other Canadians - Ethnic and racial stereotypes: Exaggerated, oversimplified images of characteristics of certain groups - Before 1962, ethnicity and race influenced who was allowed to immigrate; non-Europeans were stereotyped as racially and culturally inferior - Variety of geopolitical considerations (stemming from Canada’s relationships with other countries) - Racist selection criteria removed from immigration regulations in 1960s, partly because they interfered with Canadian diplomacy - Humanitarianism: Immigrants and refugees accepted partly on humanitarian and compassionate grounds - Humanitarianism affects immigrant selection: Canada accepts many ―family class‖ immigrants – first-degree relatives of immigrants accepted on the basis of other criteria – and some refugees - Public opinion: Difficult to determine though given no ―one voice‖ of Canadians regarding immigration - Security considerations: Since Sep. 11/01, has become more important factor - Introduction of Permanent Resident Card and number of measures to increase border security Contemporary immigration categories: - Refugees (includes three subcategories): - Convention refugees (those who because of fear of persecution are unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin - Country of asylum class refugees (those outside country of citizenship or residence who are seriously and personally affected by civil war, armed conflict, or massive violation of human rights - Source country class refugees (those who meet definition of Convention refugee but are still in country of citizenship or residence) - Family class immigrants: Have close family members already living in Canada who are willing and able to support them - Economic/independent immigrants: Are four subcategories  - Skilled workers (merit is based on points system) - Immigrant entrepreneurs (own and manage business that will contribute to economy and create jobs) - Immigrant investors (capitalists who plan to invest minimum $400,000 in business in Canada) - Self-employed immigrants: Must have intention and ability to create own employment - applicants are awarded points for various attributes that the Canadian government deems important in determining an immigrant’s economic and settlement prospects. - An applicant has to earn a minimum of 67 out of 100 points to ―pass‖ and potentially gain admission to Canada as a skilled worker. Ethnic inequality and the Canadian labour market: - Porter: Canada as a vertical mosaic: Society in which ethnic groups tend to occupy different and unequal positions in stratification system - Two ―charter groups‖ – English and French – predominated in various Canadian elites - Although two groups unequal, they still set discriminatory immigration policies and reserved for themselves top positions in occupational hierarchy - A charter group is the first ethnic group to take control of a previously unoccupied or newly conquered territory - These two charter groups also made up the upper ranks of the labour, political, bureaucratic, religious, and media elites - Later immigrants became caught in the ethnic mobility trap because of prejudice and discrimination, and because they lacked the cultural values and practices needed for success - Porter argued that once the vertical mosaic was established, it took on a life of its own - Immigrants and their descendants who were initially allocated a subordinate status faced limited prospects for upward social mobility - Two factors likely account for rigidity of the vertical mosaic: - Blatant prejudice and discrimination by charter groups - Retention by ethnic groups of cultural practices that were incompatible with economic success in modern, industrialized societies - Canada does not have a single, clear-cut pattern of ethnic or racial economic disadvantage, and significant differences exist in the relative positions of visible minority men and women. Declining significance of the vertical mosaic - Debates over past two decades about whether race and ethnicity continue to shape stratification system: - Some claim vertical mosaic has been recast along racial lines - Yet research fails to support race as fundamental socioeconomic dividing line in Canadian society - Is support though for vertical mosaic in terms of male immigrants in Canada: Explanation  Devaluation of education credentials (regarded by some as reflection of racism) - The vertical mosaic exists for recent male visible-minority immigrants who earn significantly less than one would expect given their educational levels due to discrimination - Differences between male immigrants who are members of visible minorities and white immigrants have been explained by the devaluation of immigrant credentials - Some suggest education credentials of immigrants from visible minorities are devalued in the labour market and by certification authorities Chapter 13 – Religion Theoretical traditions Marx and conflict - In Marx’s view, religion: - Is human creation of economically and politically deprived who choose to redefine reality rather than change their oppressive conditions - Provides religious status instead of social status - Diverts working people’s attention from real sources of suffering - Reason wealthy capitalists encourage religious belief - End of exploitation would bring end to religion Durkheim and collectivity - Durkheim argued religion’s origin is social - People living in community come to share common sentiments that form a collective conscience: Involves awareness of group being more than sum of individual members, and belief that experience of the group is supernatural - Leads people to designate some objects as sacred (deserving of profound respect) and others as profane - To uphold collective conscience, people come together as a ―church‖ - This collective life is both source and product of religion - Awareness of this collective conscience gives people the feeling of being in the presence of a higher power; ―God‖ is merely the community experiencing itself as a group - Sacred and profane are two categories by which Durkheim claimed all things are classified; the sacred represents those things deemed to warrant profound respect, and the profane encompasses essentially everything else - In terms of sacred objects, Christians have accorded special status to the cross, the Bible, and holy water, in contrast to almost everything else Weber and ideas: - Weber believed religion is largely oriented to this world and has consequences for everyday life - Example: Argued Protestant Reformation strongly influenced moral tone of capitalism in Western world through adoption of Protestant ethic - Noted god-conceptions strongly related to economic, political, and social conditions in which people live (e.g., monotheism related to goal of political unification) - Also noted relationship between religion and class (e.g., social class dictated view of religion) - In terms of relationship between social class and religion, Weber notes that peasants are religious when they are threatened; the nobility find religion beneath their honour; the middle class sees religion largely in ethical terms, and the working class supplants religion with other ideologies - Weber argued ideas - regardless of veracity - represent person’s definition of reality and therefore have potential to influence behaviour - Emphasized need to interpret action by understanding actor’s motives - Recommended use of method he called Verstehen, or understanding: To achieve such awareness, researchers should place themselves in roles of those being studied Nature of religion - Religions: Systems of meaning for interpreting world that have supernatural referent (e.g., Christianity, Hinduism) - Are concerned with discovering life’s meaning, whereas humanist perspectives (e.g., political ―isms‖ such as communism, fascism) are concerned with making life meaningful - In contrast to religious perspectives, humanist perspectives assume life has no ultimate meaning, and therefore focus on giving it meaning Personal Religiosity: - Personal religiosity: Refers to level of religious commitment characterizing an individual - Is measured along four dimensions which must all be present in the ―committed‖: - Holding of key beliefs - Engagement in certain practices - Having supernatural experiences - Knowledge of the faith’s tenets Collective religiosity - Church-sect typology: Framework in which religious organizations studied in terms of ideal-type, church, and sect characteristics - Two major kinds of organizations among religious groups: - Church  Numerically dominant groupings that emphasize works and accommodation (e.g., mainline denominations in Canada and United States) - Sect  Smaller groups that stress faith and separation and have broken away from dominant bodies (e.g., Salvation Army, and additional emerging groups such as Baptist and Pentecostal denominations) - Sects eventually evolve into a church - Religious organizations no different from other social organizations - Market model for understanding religion prominent in recent years: - Religious groups regarded as ―firms‖ or ―companies‖ competing for ―market share‖ - General organizational approach to religious groups involves considering groups in terms of: - Nature and sources of members - Most people belong to same religious organizations as parents - Especially in urban areas, congregations compete for members and staff by building lavish structures and offering wide range of social activities according to their economic means - Formal and informal goals - Conscious and unconscious goals vary by congregation and members and often are in conflict - Examples: Formal goal of spiritual growth often contradicts ―survival goal‖ of numerical growth + Need for satisfying needs of existing clientele may conflict with reaching out to new people not yet involved but who also have important needs - Norms and roles established to accomplish purposes - To achieve goals, religious groups must establish norms, membership roles, means of communication, and sanctions to control behaviour - Groups hindered by the following: - Are top-heavy with men (often inadequately tap resources of women) - Are reliant on volunteers to carry out key roles - This situation makes religious groups frequently fragile and inefficient companies - Sanctions used to ensure norms followed and roles played - sanctions to are used to control behaviour - Degree of success experienced by groups in pursuing goals - Indicators of “success” include attendance, membership, and finances - Size of group is largely function of birth and mortality factors Canada and Religion - Affiliation with religious groups widespread since founding of country - Close ties have always been apparent between Canadians of British descent and the Church of England, Methodism, and Presbyterianism; between the French and Roman Catholic Church; and between other ethnic groups and the churches of their homeland - When Canadians asked about actual membership in religious groups, more people (about 30%) claim to belong to churches than to any other single voluntary group - between 1940s and 2000, has been sharp decline in church attendance Explanations for sources of religion - Early work in scientific study of religion (notably Durkheim) focused on origin of religion itself, rather than examining variations in religious commitment - Explanations for why some people are religious -while others are not - tend to focus on one of following two types of explanations: - Individual-centred explanations - Are three dominant ―person-centred‖ explanations of religious commitment: - Reflection - Desire to comprehend reality widespread among humans - In course of reflection, people commonly conclude that life has supernatural ―transempirical‖ dimension - But reflection does not lead to religious commitment and involvement = Religious commitment develops in people who seek greater meaning in their lives, but many Canadians and Americans who think about life’s “big questions” are not religiously committed - Socialization - Religious commitment understood as product of learning - Accommodation to social pressures, notably those of primary groups (e.g., the family), appears to influence religious group involvement - But socialization appears to be necessary but not sufficient cause of religiosity - According to Durkheim, personal religiosity has social origins and will strongly reflect social environments from which people come (including their family) - Attendance at church, synagogue, mosque, etc. is learned through socialization, but only 1 in 3 Canadians whose parents attended are themselves regular attendees - The socialization or learning perspective appears to be supported in actions of suicide bombers, who are religiously motivated, to undertake violence (this group typically comes from working-class and middle-class backgrounds and are generally better educated than the population from which they are drawn) - Deprivation - Argues religiously committed are the deprived or disadvantaged - Glock and Stark (1965): Five types of deprivation predominant in rise and development of religious and secular movements Economic, social, organismic (physical or mental), psychic, and ethical deprivation - But research fails to support deprivation as good predictor of religious participation - Measures of income, health, and the number of social relationships are not strongly related to religious commitment in either Canada or the United States - Psychic deprivation refers to the lack of meaningful system of values, while ethical deprivation refers to having values in conflict with those dominant in a society - Structure-centred explanations - Are three dominant structure-centred explanations of religious commitment: - Denominationalism - Notes tendency for smaller, independent evangelical groups to evolve into denominations - Groups seemingly reflect variations not only in theology, but also (and often primarily) in social characteristics - Suggests emergence of sect-like groups historically is connected to existence of unstable conditions produced by factors such as immigration and economic depression (e.g., indigenous Baptists and Pentecostals) - Secularization thesis - Argues religion – as it has been traditionally known – is continuously declining in pervasiveness and importance due to increasing industrialization and postindustrialization - Decline has given rise to: - Loss of religious authority, at both societal and individual levels - Changes in religious organizations - Decline in religious commitment - Persistence thesis - Argues religion persists in industrial and postindustrial societies because it: - Continues to address questions of meaning and purpose, and - Responds to widespread interest in spirituality - What is in doubt is not persistence of religion, but the identity of key players - Religious commitment also is strongly influenced by the broader national, regional, and group contexts in which people find themselves - In virtually every society, Canada included, history and culture combine to create milieus that – to varying degrees – do or do not support religion - Social environments, then, are important determinants of religious commitment and involvement - Regionally, there is some support for the idea that secularization is most advanced in those parts of Canada that were first to experience extensive economic development—central Canada and the west coast. Consequences of religion Personal level - Contradictory findings on relationship between level of religious commitment and mental health - Religious commitment by itself appears to have fairly limited influence on valued personal characteristics - Religion often less important than variables such as age, education, or employment in predicting personal well-being - In general, Canadian studies show religious commitment in itself has very small influence on mental health, suggesting religion is only one route to personal happiness - Overall, studies indicate religion is having an impact, but not necessarily a unique impact - Bibby’s analyses of survey data dating back to 2000 suggest that, overall, Canadians who exhibit religious commitment are slightly more inclined than others to claim a high level of happiness; to find life exciting; to express a high level of satisfaction with family, friends, and leisure activities; and to view death with hope rather than with mystery or even fear - However, when the impact of other factors, such as age, education, community size, and region, is taken into account, the apparent modest influence of commitment typically disappears or at least has to be qualified. - In short, religious commitment by itself appears to have a fairly limited influence on valued personal characteristics. - Moreover, it is often less important than such variables as age, education, or employment in predicting personal well-being. Interpersonal level - Early research suggested religiosity linked with less compassion and more racial prejudice - Recent research suggests religiously committed people in Canada do not differ significantly from others in terms of interpersonal relationships - Where main difference exists is in area of personal morality, notably sexuality: Religious groups tend to oppose ―moral innovation,‖ including legalization of abortion, changing sexual standards, and distribution of pornographic materials - Although there is opposition to “moral innovation,” there is considerable variation in the position that religious groups take on many sex- related issues, as well as in the inclination of average people who identify with those groups to “follow the party line” - There is one area where religion still appears to speak with a fairly loud if not unique voice—the area of personal morality, notably sexuality. - findings do suggest, however, that belief in God is one, if only one, potential source of civility. - To the extent that’s the case, there could be some significant social value in people believing in God. Societal level - Are mixed reviews about religion’s net consequences for societies: - Some point to important role played by religious groups in helping establish a just society where diversity and inclusiveness are valued - Others point to damage done by religious groups in terms of early abusive treatment of Aboriginal peoples, sexual abuse scandals, etc. (also is damage done to religious groups through discrimination) - Paradox: Religion can both enrich and destroy social life - Religion has, on occasion, challenged North American culture (e.g., civil rights movement in the United States that received much of its leadership and impetus from African-American evangelical churches) - It is important to note that locally, nationally, and globally, religion clearly has the potential both to bring people together and to tear them apart (religion’s role in contributing to conflict, past and present, is well known) The future of religion - Can expect emerging religious forms to include sects and new religious movements with origins unconnected with traditional religions - Proponents of the secularization thesis suggest religion will eventually be replaced by science and reason as society modernizes; this shift would have institutional, personal, and organizational consequences - Proponent of the persistence thesis suggest humans have needs that only religion can satisfy, and therefore even if traditional religions decline, new ones will emerge - Research shows that there has been some decline in religious involvement overall, but there is much variation between countries, with Canada occupying a middle position; there is no consistent pattern between (post-)industrialization and religiosity - We have a situation in which Canada’s established religious groups find themselves with lots of ―affiliates‖ who identify with the group and aren’t about to turn elsewhere, and this is not limited to adults. - Our national surveys of teenagers between the ages of 15 and 19 have found that the country’s ―emerging generation‖ closely resembles adults when it comes to current service attendance levels. - About 90 percent of teens claim the same group affiliation as their parents, and only about 2 percent indicate any strong interest in new religions. - Their belief, practice, experience, and knowledge levels, while typically lower than adults, are appreciable and, in at least some instances, can be expected to rise as they move into their 20s and beyond. - In addition, more than half acknowledge that they have spiritual needs - More than one in two people who attend services less than once a month says they are receptive to greater involvement if it is worthwhile for themselves or their families  Such things as having their spiritual needs met, getting some insight into how they might have better relationships with partners and children and friends, and maybe finding some emotional resources to help them cope with the needs they face in living everyday life. - In short, many people in Canada haven’t given up on religion—and haven’t even given up on religious groups. - In Canada, overwhelming majority continue to hold beliefs, engage in practices, experience the gods, and express spiritual needs - Are signs of positive participation shift as groups seek to be more responsive to children, teenagers, and young adults - To extent these efforts continue, may be a renaissance of religion in Canada Chapter 14 – Deviance and Crime - All known human societies have norms (i.e., generally accepted ways of doings things) about appropriate behaviour - Deviance involves breaking a norm - Crime involves breaking a law - Some norms have wide scope, applying to more or less everybody in the community— prescriptions against murder and armed robbery, for instance.  Other norms may only apply to particular subgroups of society. - Norms are enforced in many ways, both formally and informally - At the formal level, norms are enforced with laws regulated by a criminal justice system that includes police, courts, prisons, etc. - At the informal level, norms may be enforced with shaming, communal pressure, etc Norm violations - Hagan distinguishes between diverse kinds of rule breaking behaviour by suggesting norm violations be differentiated according to different measures of seriousness, which include the following: - How harmful the act in question is deemed to be - How much agreement there is that the behaviour in question is wrong - Severity of the sanction (or punishment) imposed on that behaviour Types of deviance and crime - Hagan employs his conception of ―seriousness‖ to identify four different kinds of deviance as follows: - Consensus crime: Acts deemed very harmful and wrong, and for which the harshest criminal sanctions are reserved - Examples: Homicide, attempted homicide, violent assault with a weapon, violent sexual assault, armed robbery, kidnapping - Conflict crime: Where members of the community disagree over whether behaviours in question are harmful, wrong, or deserving of severe criminal sanction - Examples: Euthanasia, gambling, prostitution, drug use, and public drunkenness (often referred to as ―morality offences‖) - Social deviation: Norm-violating behaviour that is not illegal but nevertheless may be subject to social stigma through condemnation, ostracization, and medicalization - Examples: People who are mentally ill, who are homosexual, or who are alcohol- or drug-dependent - Social diversion: Minority heterosexual & homosexual activities as well as forms of symbolic or expressive deviance involving adolescents - Examples: Particular clothing, hairstyles, musical choices, etc. - Generally speaking, the more serious the form of deviance, the less likely it is to occur - Conversely, other deviant acts can occur so routinely some question whether they characterize deviance - Finally, we punish acts that we regard as very harmful and wrong more severely than those deemed less harmful and wrong. - Hagan’s typology is subject to change though given the relativity of deviance: Acts, behaviours, and conditions that constitute various categories can vary over time  Examples: - Impaired driving – not originally regarded as a serious offence - was inconsistently enforced and rarely punished with a prison sentence - Marijuana use, once regarded as a serious offence, is now considered by some to warrant decriminalization - Objectivist accounts of crime and deviance focus on the behaviour itself - Researchers working in this tradition are likely to pose the following kinds of questions: - Are rates of crime and deviance increasing? - What kinds of people become bank robbers, prostitutes, or murderers? - With the objectivist approach to deviance and crime, it is assumed that we know what crime and deviance is, how much damage and harm it causes, and what needs to be done about it - Can combine both objectivist & constructivist approaches by asking different but complimentary questions about the phenomenon - Full understanding of crime & deviance requires both the norm-violation and labelling/constructionist approaches - We could ask how and why hate crime has become a new crime problem (a constructionist question) and, at the same time, inquire about the characteristics of those who perpetrate hate crimes (an objectivist question). - From an objectivist vantage point, you might ask, Does listening to rap music cause crime and deviance? - From the constructionist perspective, the crucial question is, Why are we so concerned about the violent content of rap music but pay so little attention to the violent content of country music? Labelling Theory - Labelling theory recognizes relativity of crime and deviance, and argues the following: Crime and deviance may be universal, but there are no universal forms of crime and deviance - What counts as deviant or criminal behaviour varies by time and place including… - Killing (acceptable in time of war or in line of duty) - Opiate-use in Canada (was once legal) - Incest (are significant variations across cultures in what constitutes incest) - Because what was once illegal is now illegal, and vice versa, we need to understand that while the study of crime and deviance is about rule-breaking behaviour, it is not just about rule-breaking behaviour. - It is also about how members of society react to some behaviours. - This understanding is the starting point for a second approach to the study of deviance and crime, one that sees deviance and crime as a matter of definitions or labels that have been applied to some behaviours but not others. - Labelling theory recognizes relativity & argues the following: (cont’d) - Publicly recognizing somebody as criminal or deviant is important cause of criminal or deviant behaviour - Application of label of criminal or deviant often linked to lower social class (e.g., the lower the status of the user, the more likely the drug will be criminalized) - Sociologists who study the social reaction to drug use conclude that the legality of a drug is determined as much by the status of its users as by the amount of harm done by the drug. Social constructionism - Differs from labelling theory only in its broad concern with all kinds of social problems rather than solely crime and deviance - Both theories argue crime & deviance become problematic because some people - usually the most powerful - define them as such - Both theories focus on activities & claims that result in new crimes being defined - Are more likely to ask the question, ―Why do we care more about youth crime than corporate crime?‖ than ―What causes youth crime & corporate crime?‖ - More generally, social constructionism advises that so-called objective facts are not always responsible for the criminal or deviance status of a particular condition. Crime in the news/Statistics - The media does not report all criminal incidents that it can report - Violent crime is reported more regularly than property or white-collar crime (.i.e., crime conducted by high-status individuals in the course of their occupation or profession) - News organizations do not just report facts but rather they shape how readers, viewers, & listeners feel and think about crime & deviance - Example: Canadians overestimate crime & recidivism (repeat offending) rates & underestimate severity of criminal sanctions for crimes - Visible and spectacular incidents with political and sexual connotations rank highest. - Similar rules determine how crime stories are presented—how many and which photographs will accompany a story, what headlines will be used, and so forth. - What we read in the newspapers and watch on the TV is a result of a predictable selection process. - The mass media typically exaggerate the nature and scope of crime, presenting rare cases as if they are typical or the start of a new and worrying trend - Most accounts of crime & deviance are made persuasive by use of data collected by the police, the courts, & other governmental agencies - The more serious the norm violation, the more comprehensive the data collection - Virtually every important theory of deviant behaviour (especially criminal behaviour) relies on information about offences & offenders collected by or on behalf of the government - Since 1962, a system of uniform crime reports (UCR) has provided the basic count of criminal infractions in Canada - UCR system is designed to produce consistent, comparable, nationwide crime statistics - For crime to become known to the police, one of two things must happen: - Either members of the public experience or observe a criminal incident and pass that information on to the police – or - The police themselves detect the incident - The system is designed to produce consistent, comparable, nationwide crime statistics. - UCR underestimates the actual amount of crime occurring in any jurisdiction given inconsistent reporting to police by the public - The number (deemed large) of criminal incidents that remain unknown to the police often is referred to as the dark figure of crime - Generally speaking, provinces and cities in western part of Canada have higher crime rates than those in the east - Contributing factors: - The West’s ―frontier mentality‖ that favours individualism, independence, and risk-taking - More migrants (anonymity loosens social controls) - Younger population (crime associated with youth) - Proportionately higher Aboriginal population (group with crime rates higher than non-Aboriginal population) Other Data Sources - Self-report studies used mainly to conduct research on deviance among young people, particularly those in high school - Statistics Canada also conducts surveys of adult victimization periodically - Concerns of self-report studies: - Cannot ensure truthfulness of accounts - Self-disclosure much higher than in police records - Those charged by police and prosecuted differ from ―hidden‖ delinquents - Researchers use observational studies to collect information about crime and deviance by watching it happen, either as outside observers or as participant observers - Many gang researchers have engaged in observational studies - Concern of observational studies: - Observing people can sometimes change their behaviour Correlates of crime - A correlate is a phenomenon that is associated with another phenomenon - Factors associated with criminal and deviant activity are correlates of crime - Important correlates of crime: - Age (i.e., people in teens & early 20s) - Gender (i.e., males) - Both age & gender are universal correlates of crime - Lower social and economic standing (is disputed though because is not reflected in self-reports) - But street crime (i.e., robbery, burglary, and the like) involves mainly people from low-status backgrounds - White-collar or business crime is more likely to involve people from more privileged backgrounds - Race - Aboriginals and blacks are overrepresented in Canada’s prison population - Overrepresentation of Aboriginal people explained by both (i) racial bias in treatment of Aboriginal offenders, and (ii) greater criminal activity by Aboriginal people - Overrepresentation of Black people explained by racial profiling (i.e., targeting by police officers of members of particular racial or ethnic groups) - People who oppose the collection of race-related crime statistics argue that any evidence showing the overrepresentation of particular racial or ethnic groups in crime might result in increased public hostility toward those groups. - People who support collecting race-based crime statistics argue that if racial and ethnic minorities are treated differently by the criminal justice system—if they are more likely to be stopped, searched, arrested, and charged by the police, and more harshly punished by the courts—then the only way such bias can be exposed and changed is by gathering racial data Theories of crime and deviance Strain theory - proposed by Robert Merton - Holds that crime & deviance are result of societal pressures to break rules because of incompatible demands of cultural goals and social structural opportunities - Lack of fit between cultural goals & social structural opportunities results in anomie - Those who experience anomie respond by: - Withdrawing from conventional society - Finding deviant (including criminal) means of achieving goals - Strain theory can be traced back to Durkheim’s concept of anomie, which exists when norms governing behaviour are vaguely defined. - Variant of strain theory  Learning perspective and differential association (Edwin Sutherland) - Holds that if people experience more non-deviant than deviant associations as they grow up, they are likely to not engage in crime and deviance later in life - More association with deviant than non-deviant lifestyles teaches people skills of the criminal trade as well as rationalizations for it - Learning can continue later in life as well through time spent in prison with other inmates Control theory - Travis Hirschi - Holds that a set of ties bind young people to the conventional world, and when those ties are weak, deviance & crime occur - No special motivation is required because we all have natural inclination for rule breaking that is only kept in check because of our - attachments to family and
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