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Political Science 1020E Study Guide - Final Guide: Participatory Democracy, Kenneth Waltz, Arab Spring

Political Science
Course Code
Political Science 1020E
Charles Jones
Study Guide

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9:56 PM
Tutorial 1
9:56 PM
1. Why is the strategy of repression now harder for dictators to rely upon?
The cost of tyranny is too high with media and other companies looking in at all times
2. In what ways have dictators become “more sophisticated, savvy, and nimble” (p. 4)?
What seems now to be the formula for a successful dictatorship?
They have adapted to the idea that the world is facing globalization
Now they use more cunning and unpublicized ways of coercion, such as using broad
laws, as well as tax collectors and health inspectors to shut down dissident groups
3. What does it mean to say that Putin’s Russia allows personal freedom but not
political freedom?
You are free to leave/come as you want, watch what you want, and go on the internet as
you like
You do not have any control in the political system
4. Does this approach provide a solid foundation for Russian authoritarianism?
What are its weaknesses, and how troubling are they?
High risk of corruption
Video game snuck into authoritarian countries to try help them overthrown government
5. Dobson writes: “Authoritarian regimes are not particularly fearful of the United
States.” What does he mean by this? Do you agree with Dobson’s account of the
relative impact of states and people in the struggle against dictatorship?
6. What difference can activists make? Do authoritarian regimes fall, or do they
have to be pushed and, if so, how can this be done?
The systems aren't sustainable, they can either ruin their own system, or be pushed out
Some limits on activists, they shine the light on the problem but after that they have no
power \
7. If the law can be a tool of the new authoritarians, how might it also be turned
against them?
Tutorial 2
Larry Diamond, “Why are there no Arab Democracies?”
3:12 PM
1. What is the most common explanation of why Arab states have not had democratic
systems of government, and how and how well does Diamond refute it?
Most common explanation is that it has to do with their religion or culture
2. What is the "Muslim gap"? Why does Diamond find this explanation problematic?
The Muslim gap is that there are many countries that are majority Muslim that extend
political rights to their citizens but Lebanon is the only Muslim Arab country that has

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Religion cannot be the deciding factor for democracy because many Muslim states are
democratic, while Muslim Arabic ones are not
3. What is Kedourie's explanation? What is Diamond's critique of this explanation, and
how does he make use of comparative analysis in developing his critique?
Arab countries have too much sectarian and ethnic divisions to be democratic, Kedourie
Diamond rebuttals by saying two of the closest states to fully electoral democracy (Iraq
and Lebanon) are also two of the most polarized countries, while two of the most
homogenous are the most authoritarian (Egypt and Tunisia)
4. What are Jamal and Tessler's findings and why might they be important?
Jamal and Tessler conclude hopefully that Arabs value democracy, even if their concern
for stability leads them to want it to come only gradually, and neither religious politics nor
personal religiosity pose a major obstacle
5. Why does economic structure matter more than just economic wealth (as per Lipset)
according to Diamond?
They have a lot of money, so they never set up systems that are necessary for a
democratic society
Tax's, for example, are not taken from civilians in some Arab countries
6. What is meant by the "oil curse" and "Dutch Disease"? How do these concepts relate
to Huntington's "no representation without taxation" problem? Do you agree with this
No one has real business set up, they rely on oil/gas and government contracts
The rents smother and preempt the development of industry and agriculture
Dutch disease: exploiting natural recourses, decline in manufacturing (no secondary
7. Diamond asserts that two pillars of Arab authoritarianism are political -- institutions
and external forces. With this in mind, consider the recent Arab Spring and whether
change in these two pillars enabled movement in a democratic direction in countries like
Egypt and Tunisia?
8. Diamond published this article in January, 2010, which means that he certainly wrote
it well ahead of the Arab Spring. How did he do with his claims that (a) new social-
media tools (Facebook, Twitter, etc.) would
have an impact on democratization, and that (b) three factors could bring about
democracy: the development of a "single democratic polity a model" (p. 102; with
Egypt front of mind); democracy-supportive US and
European policies; and a decline in oil prices. What did Diamond get right and wrong?
Everyone knows where the Arab Spring is
More exposure
9. What do you make of the argument that pro-democratic forces are often discouraged
based on their fear that a democratization process could be hijacked by “an

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antidemocratic Islamist political force” (p. 96)? To what extent have recent
developments in Egypt for instance provided justification for such fears?
Fear that after first democratic election a party may come in and turn country to
Tutorial 3
Stoker, chapters 2 and 3 (pp. 47-58)
3:31 PM
1. What does Stoker mean when he says the following: “People appear to like the
idea of democracy, but not like the politics that goes along with it” (p. 32)?
Politics doesn’t portray what people really mean when they think about democracy
2. What are the bases for Stoker’s claim that today’s democratic citizens are
politically disenchanted rather than merely critical or skeptical?
They are upset with the way the government changes the values of democracy
3. “Young Canadians are not necessarily more cynical than their elders, but they
have become more disengaged from traditional political institutions” (p. 38). Does
this fit with your sense of the political attitudes of Canadian youth?
Yes, there are a lot more things to be distracted by in today's world
Some youth simply 'don’t care'
4. Was there anything that surprised you in Stoker’s tour of the political attitudes of
different global regions? What do you make for instance of the Japanese
tendency, at least until very recently, to distinguish between politicians and
bureaucrats? Does that fit with the Canadian experience? And what do you make
of the apparent shallowness of support for democracy in Latin America and Africa?
Not surprising democracy is losing popular support because people want their voice to
be heard (democratic values, etc) but a lot of the way democracy is set up alienates
Disconnect between the people
Since bureaucrats aren't voted in its not as democratic and the country has no say in
what they do
Latin American and African citizens grew up with authoritarianism and have a distrust for
democracy as they see corrupt politicians around the world
5. Why should we care about the growth of public cynicism and indifference in relation
to democratic politics? What might the consequences be, according to Stoker?
6. Stoker quotes Robert Lane as claiming that a political life used to be seen as
“’rewarding and honourable’” (p. 36), adding that this might no longer be the
case. Would your family be proud to hear that you intended to become a
politician? Would anyone say: “That’s wonderful, because it’s a rewarding and
honourable profession”?
No, most people would probably ask "why" or secretly be a big ashamed
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