POL101Y1 Chapter Notes - Chapter 1: Timothy D. Snyder, Waar, Non-Refoulement

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Political Science Reading Summary:
Judt: The Past is Another Country: Myth and Memory in Postwar Europe
Fors of idetity assoiated ith the ter Europea ere shaped y to doiat
concerns: the pattern of division drafted at Yalta and frozen into place during the cold waar
and the desire, common to both sides of the divide , to forget the recent past and forgo a
new continent.
In the west this took the form of a movement for transnational unification tied to the
reconstruction and modernization of the west European economy, in the east an analogous
unity similarly
obsessed with productivity was imposed in the shared interest in social revolution.
Both sides of the divide had good reasons to put behind them the experience of war and
occupation, and a future oriented vocabulary of social harmony and material improvement
emerged to occupy a public space hitherto filled with more provincial claims and
resentments.
I shall suggest that the ways in which the official versions of the war and postwar era have
unraveled in recent years are indicative of unresolved problems which lie at the center of
the present continental crisis.
Most of occupired Europe either collaborated with the occupying force (minority) or
accepted with resignation and equanimity the presence and activities of german force
(majority).
Fifty years after the catastrophe, Europe understands itself more than ever as a common
project, yet it is far from achieving a comprehensive analysis of the years immediately
following the Second World War. The memory of the period is incomplete and provincial, if
it is not entirely lost in repression or nostalgia.
Hans-Magnus Enzensberger
From the end of the Second World War until the revolutions of 1989, the frontiers of
Europe ad ith the the fors of idetity assoiated ith the ter Europea ere
shaped by two dominant concerns: the pattern of division drafted at Yalta and frozen into
place during the Cold War, and the desire, common to both sides of the divide, to forget the
recent past and forge a new continent. In the West this took the form of a movement for
trans-national unification tied to the reconstruction and modernization of the west
European economy; in the East an analogous unity, similarly obsessed with productivity,
was imposed in the name of a shared interest in social revolution. Both sides of the divide
had good reason to put behind them the experience of war and occupation, and a future-
oriented vocabulary of social harmony and material improvement emerged to occupy a
public space hitherto filled with older, divisive and more provincial claims and resentments.
Snyder: Preface Europe:
In this revelatory book, Timothy Snyder offers a groundbreaking investigation of
Europe's killing fields and a sustained explanation of the motives and methods of
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both Hitler and Stalin. He anchors the history of Hitler's Holocaust and Stalin's Terror
in their time and place and provides a fresh account of the relationship between the
two regime.
Nazi and Soviet regimes murdered some fourteen million people.
The victims died, the blood lands extend from central Poland to western through
Ukraine, Belarus, and the Baltic States.
Auschwitz is the most familiar killing site of the blood lands
Very worst of the killing began when Hitler betrayed Stalin and German forces
crossed into recently enlarged Soviet Union in 1941.
The blood lands were where most of Europes Jes lied here Hitler ad “talis
imperial plans overlapped where the Wehrmacht and red army fought.
German and soviet concentration camps surround the blood lands from both east
and west blurring the black with their shades of grey
Distinction between concentration camps and killing sites cannot be made perfectly
Mass killing in Europe is usually associated with the holocaust and the holocaust
with rapid industrial killing. The image is too simple and clean.
In comparison of the soviet and Nazi regimes the political theories Arendt wrote
depends for its continued existence upon the existence of the nontotealitraian world
The victims homelands lay between berlin and Moscow they became the blood
lands after the rise of hitler and stalin.
Turner Facism and Modernization
- there was a conspicuous revival of interest in fascism during the past decade, one
reason was the erosion of the theories totalitarianism that had dominated
discussions of political extremism during the 1950’s
- - linking the German National Socialism and sometimes the Italian Fascism with
Russian Communism the theories inhibited consideration of fascism as a
distinctive generic phenomenon in its own rights
- - as a result of cold war tensions during the 1960’s many students of the twentieth
century politics became aware of the absence of a concept suitable for
characterizing those interwar authoritarian movements and regimes in Europe
what were neither conservative or communist
- - according to the theory of modernization the one underlying development of
recent history is the displacement of traditional societies by a rapid process of
change
- - none of the theorists of modernization has explored the problem with any
degree of thoroughness
- - some of the Italian Fascists and German National Socialist regimes on agents of
modernization others see it as an attempt at “de-modernization”
- - today the IF and the GNS remain fascism’s only universally accepted
manifestations
- - in non-communist societies fascism continues to be an attempt to make reaction
and conservatism popular and plebeian
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Document Summary

Judt: the past is another country: myth and memory in postwar europe. I shall suggest that the ways in which the official versions of the war and postwar era have unraveled in recent years are indicative of unresolved problems which lie at the center of the present continental crisis. Most of occupired europe either collaborated with the occupying force (minority) or accepted with resignation and equanimity the presence and activities of german force (majority). Fifty years after the catastrophe, europe understands itself more than ever as a common project, yet it is far from achieving a comprehensive analysis of the years immediately following the second world war. The memory of the period is incomplete and provincial, if it is not entirely lost in repression or nostalgia. From the end of the second world war until the revolutions of 1989, the frontiers of.

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