LING 331 Lecture Notes - Lecture 33: Markedness, Optimality Theory, Phonotactics
Document Summary
The optimal form is actually the one with the schwa. Optimality theory does not predict underapplication like this, nor overapplication. So, spe is favored here in opaque interactions. Two processes are in a counter-bleeding interaction if it is the case that one process could have bled the other, but in fact it does not. Rule 2 would have bled rule 1 if the order had been reversed: word final obstruents devoice, mid-back vowels raise before voiced word-final consonants, word final obstruents devoice, mid-back vowels raise before voiced word-final consonants. Patterns which can be described with a counter-bleeding rule interaction are also said to exhibit over-application. In counter-bleeding interactions, both rules get to apply. The interaction between markedness and faithfulness says only violate a faithfulness constraint in order to avoid a markedness problem. Do not change a segment(cid:495)s specification for the feature [voice]. Mid-back vowels raise before voiced word-final consonants. o-raising: *o-voicec#
