Chapter 6.docx

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Department
Psychology
Course
PSY100H1
Professor
Dwayne Pare
Semester
Winter

Description
Chapter 6: Experiencing Prejudice Researchers found that prejudice originated and was maintained within the majority perceiver of the minority target  Devine et al suggest that stereotyping and prejudice are not processes that involve a perceiver regarding an inactive target of stereotyping  Stereotyping and prejudice occur in a dynamic social contect involving the perceiver and target reacting to each other Two-Way Street: feedback from target that often confirms the expectations of the perceiver with the perceiver’s behavior often them confirming the expectations of the target Social Stigma  At some point in our lives, we have all been unusual in some respect o Having a leg brace as a child o Wearing glasses o Wearing a funny looking hat back in the day o Acne o Was short before, but pituitary gland activated early and you were taller than your peers o Was brighter or less bright compared to peers  When thinking back to these times, how were you treated? How did it make you feel? How did others’ treatment influence your self-esteem and your attitudes toward those others?  The treatment from others was not especially positive, this probably made you feel negative toward those others and about yourself  People try to fit in with the majority so they will not be singled out for ridicule or treated negatively by others  Treatment is overt among children, who not having learned socially sophisticated methods of experessing disapproval will have no compunction about telling everyone and the individual in question about the target’s deficiencies (laughter, cruel jokes or physical hostility)  Among adults, those negative evaluations can take the form of subtle negative comments, rude behavior or other subtle expressions of prejudice  For many, the unusual aspects about them are temporary (wearing braces, having acne) and they are no longer subject to ridicule as time goes on  For others, being the object of negative evaluations from society is something they deal with each day of their lives Stigma: unusual characteristics that engender negative evaluations  Stigmatized person is one who is reduced in our minds from a whole and usual person to a tained, discounted one o Characters that mark individual as deviant, flawed, limited, spoiled or undesirable o Encompasses familiar situations where prejudice is shown (racial, religious, gender, age, sexual orientation) and covers any physical, behavioral, psychological market that elicits negative evaluation from society Goffman’s three stigmas:  Abominations of the body o Physical deformities, being overweight  Blemishes of individual character o Drunkenness  Tribal stigmas of race, nation and religion o Prejudice against another race Research mostly done on how nonstigmatized persons view stigmatized individuals, but less on experiences of stigmatized person and how stigmatized and nonstigmatized individuals regard each other in social interactions Group Identification  Individuals faced with external threats (prejudice) show stronger ingroup identification o Jewish, African Americans and women  Whether individual has already strongly personally identified with their stigmatized group will have a major impact on degree to which that individual disassociates from group  People differ in degree to which they identifiy with their stigmatized group  High-identifiers are more likely to associate themselves with their group especially when it has a negative image o Derive their self-esteem from their identification as a group member o Likely to seek collective strategies against group threat o Make it clear that they are fully committed, loyal group members who are in it for a long run  Low-identifiers are more likely to dissociate themselves from the group especially when group has a negative image o Feel no special affinity toward or derive no self-esteem from their group o Prepared to let group fall apart when group is threatened or has a negative image o More individualistic and opportunistic in that they will only identify themselves with the group when it would positively affect their social identity Stereotype Threat  Early on children learn stereotypes that are widely known and are aware that their own group and other groups are sometimes negatively viewed by others  Stereotypes of one’s group have negative implications on one’s self-concept and self- image  Individuals in stereotyped groups find themselves ever-vigilant about not behaving in ways that confirm stereotypes abount one’s group o Doing so would lend evidence to support legitimacy of stereotype in the eyes of others and even in individual’s own view  Occasionally individuals in stereotyped groups will engage in performance-limiting behavior o Practicing less before an athletic event or not studying prior to an exam in order to provide them with a ready excuse for their expected poor performance on the stereotype-relevant dimension = stereotype threat  If you were aware of the stereotype and you decided to behave in ways that disconfirm the stereotype you would behave in that counterstreotypical fashion and that would be it, this isn’t the case  Research indicated that for many stereotypes, the negative implications of confirmed the stereotype are important enough that they can impair one’s ability to behave in a counterstereotypic way  Anxiety oen feels in thinking about possibly confirming the stereotype can be so debilitating that it actually impairs one’s performance on the stereotype-relevant dimension, thereby having the paradoxical effect of confirming the stereotype  Stereotype threat has its effect through the mediating influence of a drop in working- memory capacity  Effects of stereotype threat are especially likely to occur in people who strongly identify with the group about which the stereotype exists and in individuals who are self- conscious of their stigmatized status  People under stereotype threat fare worse physiologically than their nonthreatened counterparts  Black participants in a threatened condition showed higher blood pressure than their nonthreatened counterparts o Helps explain higher incidence of coronary heart disease and high blood pressure among blacks o Common stereotype: African Americans perform poorly compared withothers on measures of intellectual ability o Blacks had “lazy tongues” incapable of handling difficult material as a result many give up on education at a young age  Stats results on standardized aptitude and intelligence tests, African Americans average 15 pts below Caucasians o May be due to socioeconomic disadvantages that African Americans experience that affect their academic environment, cultural biases embedded into standardized intelligence tests and discrimination and prejudice that they face from others  Even when African Americans and Caucasians have same preparation, African Americans achieve less o Debilitating effects of stereotype threat may account for gap in subsequent achievement between similar-scoring African Americans and Caucasians o When AAs believed that a difficult verbal test was a measure of their intellectual ability compared to those not told this, they underperformed compared to Caucasians in the ability-diagnostic condition (intellectual ability) but performed as well as Caucasians in nondiagnostic condition  Just making stereotype salient impaired performance of AAs on task even in nondiagnostic conditions  Walton and Cohen suggest that disparity may be due to “stereotype lift” o Nonstigmatized persons enhance their performance when they engage in a downward comparison between themselves and a stereotyped outgroup member  Even when black and white people are similarly prepared educationally and have the same abilities, the influence of stereotype lift may be a contributing factor that might explain continued performance discrepancies between the black and white individuals  Being a member of a stereotyped group can affect the degree of one’s self-confidence about performance on the stereotype-relevant dimension  Those who were higher in stereotype vulnerability o Tendency to expect, perceive and be influenced by stereotypes about one’s social category tended to be the least in touch with the quality of their performances on a stereotype relevant task  They were not able to predict what they knew accurately relative to the demands of the test  As a result of the inaccuracy, their academic self confidence was subject to stronger fluctuations if stereotype domain related Fig 6.1:Stereotype threat and performance on a difficult verbal test  Steele and Aronson told half of the participants that the test was diagnostic of intellectual ability (stereotype condition) and other half were told that it was a problem solving task unrelated to intellectual ability  After statistically controlling for participants’ SAT verbal scores, blacks and whites performed equally in the nondiagnositc condition  When blacks believed there was a danger that their performance on the test potentially could confirm a stereotype about blacks (diagnostic condition), the anxiety associated with the belief impaired their performance relative to whites Fig 6.2: Slightest prime unleashes stereotype threat  It doesn’t take much priming to activate feelings of stereotype threat  Did not tell participants anything about diagnostic nature of the verbal test  Primed half of participants to think about their race by having the participants indicare their race ina remographic questionnaire  Simple difference enough to cause blacks to feel stereotype threat when doing the verbal test  Performance suffered for blacks in comparison to whites who had same prime Common stereotype that women are less good in science and math  Quinn and spencer manipulated diagnosticity of a math exam by either telling participants that the math exam was diagnostic or not diagnostic of their math ability for female and male participants who had matched math backrouns and skills as measured by their SAT scores and calculus grades  When women believed that exam was diagnostic, they performed poorly compared to their male counterparts  When women believed that exam was nondiagnostic, performed as well as other male participants  Completing a math test as a sole woman with 2 other men makes the stereotype of women’s poor math performance salient and women in these situations do perform poorly compared with women completing a meth test in a group of 2 other women  When individuals of low socioeconomic status believe that they mgith confirm a common stereotype of them o They perform poorly on measures of intellectual ability relative to those who are not poor  Their performance suffers on perceived diagnostic measures relative to those who are not poor  When exam seen as nondiagnostic, they do just as well as theyh’re not to poor peers  Stereotype threat effect also found in whites who take the implicit association test (finding a preference for white) arising from their anxiety about obtaining a score that might indicate they are racist  When AAs told that the stereotype about their grou]s performance in intelligence is malleable, not a fixed characteristic, they showed resistence to stereotype threat o Higher gpas and scores on IQ tests  However, ability to be unaffected by a stereotype against one’s group becomes much more difficult to the degree that one’s identity is closely tied to membership in that group  Stereotype threat effects can be reduced when people from the stereotyped group are individuated (making one’s own abilities salient and distancing oneself from the group) o They outperform their nonindividuated counterparts  Reminding women about great achievements that other women had made tended to significantly reduce the stereotype threat on their mathematics test scores  Cheryan and Bodenhausen examined influence of salient positive stereotypes on one’s task performance o If the stereotype about your group is that you do especially well on a task, could that stereotype enhance or impair one’s performance?  Asian American women were exposed to an identity-salience manipulation, in which they were to complete a survey about either their ethnic group (overall my race is considered good by others), their gender or their individual identity  Completed a test of math skills Results:  When participant’s ethnic identity was made salient, their math performance was worse than when their personal identity or gender identity was made salient  Research by Ambady and colleagues found that when asian American women had their ethnic identity made salient, they performed better on a math test than when either no identity or their gender was made salient  More research needed to identify the specific additive and individual effects that stereotypes about one’s various ingroups can have on one’s cognitions and behaviors  Anti-asian American prejudice has 2 major components: o Envy of the (perceived) excessive intellectual competence o Disdain for their (perceived) low sociability  Low sociability and not perceived high intellectual competence that primarily drives anti- asian American prejudice  Fiske’s Stereotype-content model: o Many stereotypes and prejudices can be located along 2 dimensions: competence and warmth o Has support  Stereotypes about one’s group can impair one’s performance on salient ego-and identity- relevant tasks  Paradoxically, although stereotype-threatened individuals are motivated to do well on tasks, they tend to be inefficient in their work because their attention is split between their alternating assessment of the correct answers to the task and their worry that their performance may confirm a stereotype of their group  Steele’s and Aronson’s results demonstrate stereotype threat effects do not show that reducing stereotype threat eliminates differences in performance between stereotyped groups and nonstereotyped groups  Groups were matched for equivalent stereotype-task (math test) ability prior to the experiment  Introducing stereotype threat impaired performance of members in stigmatized group  When threat not present, performances matched that of their nonstigmatized counterparts o Only shows debilitating effects of stereotype threat and should not be interpreted as eliminating stereotype threat eliminates group differences on stereotype- relevant task performance  Why do stereotype threatened individuals who score similarly to nonstereotype threatened persons on intelligence and aptitude tests achieve less than their European American counterparts? o Steele suggests Disidentification: individuals disengage their identity from the achievement domain in question such that their self-esteem and sense of self- competence is preserved and shielded from the negative effects of associating identity with performance on a stereotype-relevant dimension  A woman may disidentify with achievement in science and mathematics and AA may disidentify from academics  Disidentification process allows stigmatized to retain their self-esteem  It would seem that people who are stigmatized should have lower overall self-esteem compared to nonstigmatized persons  Research suggests that AA show self0esteem that is as high or higher than European Americans  Stigmatized more likely than nonstigmatized to show disidentification, less likely to see stereotype-threat dimension (academics) as unimportant  Disidentified stigmatized individuals agree that stereotype-threat dimension is important, but not important for them and their self-identity  By devaluing the importance of the stereotype-threat domain or discounting the validity and self-diagnosticity of outcomes on the stereotype-threat dimension, the stigmatized can psychologically disengage from the stereotype-threat dimension and protect their self-esteem  Some disenchanted African Americans may devalue academic achievement by derogating other AAs who pursue achievement in academics by saying they are “acting White”  Belief: achievement in academics is something that Whites can accomplish and AAs who aspire to academic achievement are selling out and disidentifying themselves from their AA identity  AAs who achieved academic success did so by adopting behaviors and attitudes that distances themselves from their culture of origin resulting in increased depression, anxiety and identity confusion  Found that academically achieving AAs were more likely to experience depression and anxiety compared with their peers who were not academically successful  Achievement in academics does not necessarily lead to confusion regarding racial identity  Both high and low achieving AAs were more likely to negatively evaluate and psychologically distance themselves from their racial group when they believed that their group was negatively evaluated by others  Paradox: achieving academic success can have important psychological consequences for AAs  Evidence suggests these processes arise in individual’s early teen years  Correlation between AA’s self-esteem and academic outcomes remained strong until 8 th grade o Possible that AA students began to see academic environment as discriminatory and lacking in rewards and begin disidentifying o Stereotype – threat  Osborne varied strength of threat that female subjects were under by telling some subjects that differences between men and women in math ability was due to genetic differences (innate limitation of being female) or to social/learned causes (discrimination, social roles)  Participants’ identification with math and math related careers was measured before or after taking a difficult math test Results  Women under stronger stereotype threat (genetic limitation females have in math) tended to disidentify more with math careers than women under weak stereotype threat  Stereotype threat has implications for how one perceives one’s ingroup and one’s relation to the ingroup Lee and Ottati  Investigated how one’s social identity may be affected by stereotype threats that are either consistent or inconsistent with self-perceived stereotypes about one’s ingroup  Social Identity Theory: we derive our identity and self-esteem through 2 avenues o Our own accomplishments o Group membership  When one belongs to a devalued or threatened group, continued identification with the group threatens one’s self-esteem  Threatened individuals may disidentify with their ingroup to protect their self-esteem  Examined how Chinese participants would respond to negative stereotypic threats that are inconsistent or consistent with one’s ingroup perceptions  Negative stereotypes that are inconsistent with the ingroup stereotype lead ingroup members to increase their perceptions of ingroup homogeneity or solidarity/unity o Participants’ identification with their ingroup increased  Negative stereotype-consistent threat (partially consistent with stereotypes about those who are Chinese), participant had a difficult time denying validity of stereotype expression o Participants protected their social identity by emphasizing that not all members of their group are characterized by the negative stereotype o Emphasizing more ingroup heterogreneity, which may reflect a weakening identification with their ingroup as a whole  Psychological disidentification may be a temporary response to a particular situation, continued exposure to stereotype threat may lead stigmatized individuals to chronically disengage psychologically from stereotype threat dimension  Disidentification can be adaptive and maladaptive o Healthy, effective coping response that allows individual to protect their self- concept and self-identity against the prejudice, discrimination and disadvantage the stigmatized person may encounter in the stereotype-threat domain  Paradox: disidentification saves self-esteem, it imperils individual’s chances for success and achievement in domains that society may regard as important  Ways to reduce stereotype threat o Not enough to prevent disidentification of stigmatized students o Important to enhance individual’s identification with stereotype-threatened domain simultaneously o Aroson’s jigsaw classroom can help students enjoy school and lead to higher self- esteem and higher exam scores o Optimistic-student teacher relationships, challenge instead of redemiation, stressting that intelligence is expandable, affirming domain belonging, valuing multiple perspectives, having visible successful role models and building self- efficacy  Implemented program at university of Michigan to reduce stereotype threat and enhance domain identification for AAs o Students honorifically recruited for program with an emphasis on their being bright enough to have been admitted to university of Michigan (taps into domain belonging) o Students participated in weekly seminars to get to know each other and share common problems o Participants attended subject-matter workshops that exposed them to advanced material outside the material discussed in class  Results: o Participants had gpas 4/10 higher than nonprogram peers and more likely to finish college o Interviews suggest that program did reduce stereotype threat and increase domain identification leading to better grades SELF-ESTEEM  Seems intuitive that those who are stigmatized become aware of the negative way that many in society view themshould have a negative effect on self-esteem of stigmatized  Some research suggests that stigmatized suffer no damage to their self-esteem and others say their self-esteem is higher than that of nonstigmatized counterparts  Studies have failed to show decreased self-esteem for such stigmatized groups as AA, physically challenged, developmentally disabled or mentally disabled  Some stigmatized individuals like overweight individuals do suffer lower self-esteem  Individuals who believe that their stigmatizing condition is controllable indicating some personal flaw on their part may be more likely to feel that negative evaluations of them are justified and will be more likely to feel lower self-esteem  Believing that one’s stigma is uncontrollable will lead stigmatized individual to resist the “blame” for stigma to attribute negative evaluations to prejudice and to maintain self- esteem  In general AA have higher self esteem than Caucasians  Past researchers would find these results to be flawed because the assumption that members of a stereotypes group would have to have lower self-esteem as a result of the larger society’s generally negative views of AAs, but not Caucasians  AAs have higher self-esteem because they do not base their self-worth on the way others view them o if they did, they would feel mor enagitve about themselves  reference group for AAs is other AAs and not society  they are a distinctive minority group and by embracing distinctiveness and their positive ethnic/racial identity, they maintain self-esteem as high as and often higher than that of their white counterparts  researchers assumed that self-esteem was a stable aspect of personality and that when target of prejudice would experience prejudice, stereotype or discrimination, they would internalize the shame or psychological pain and this then would damage the individual’s self-esteem  more accurate to conceptualize self-esteem as a working model that is multiple determined and constructed by the situational, motivational and interpersonal factors ina given situation and by one’s salient beliefs and values at that time o accounts for inconsistency in self-esteem studies DENIAL OF DISCRIMINATION  stigmatized persons are able to deny that they have been personally discriminated against or that they have suffered prejudice, discrimination or other mistreatment related to their stigma o another way in which stigmatized individuals maintain their self-esteem  denial of personal discrimination has been found in AAs and women and minority groups  stigmatized person acknowledges that their group suffers discrimination and prejudice in society but claims that they have not personally had such negative experiences  disconnect/cognitive distortion allows stigmatized person to avoid uncomfortable reality that the world may not be a just or a fair world and that their life may be negatively affect by their stigma  making an attribution to discrimination helps protect one’s self esteem  other studies on effects of such attributions show greater stress responses and decreased self-esteem  data on this issue are mixed and more research needed  stigmatized persons would deny personal discrimination because it appears to hold no negative psychological, emotional or adjustment consequences and it may be an adaptive way to deal with the unfair treatment one often receives as a result of being a member of a stigmatized group  the degree to which the stigmatized individual believes in an ideology that legitimized existing status differences between groups will influence his/her perceptions of personal communication  the more an individual does not endorse such an ideology and instead believes in individual mobility of group members, the less likely it is that negative behavior/evaluations from the nonstigmatized individual will be interpreted as instances of discrimination or prejudice  another factor that can influence whether a stigmatized group member attribute sbehavior of a nonstigmatized individual to prejudice or discrimination is social costs involves with doing so  stigmatized individuals who make such attributions to discrimination are perceived as complainers and were generally less favorably evaluated by others SELF-FULFILLING PROPHECY  attributing negative feedback from a nonstigmatized individual to prejudice often, but not always, works as a technique for the stigmatized to protect their self-esteem  the ubiquity (state of appearing to be everywhere at once) of the stereotype about ne’s stigmatized group can influence one’s self-concept  Whites’ view of their own group was largely positive with the exception of the characteristic materialistic and their view of Blacks was very negative with the exception of musical, peace-loving and proud  Blacks view whites in negative terms with the exception of intelligent, industrious (diligent and hard working)  Blacks viewed their own group in positive terms, and believed some negative stereotypes about their group like lazy and superstitious  Self-fulfilling prophecy leads to acceptance of negative stereotypes by stigmatized groups o Phenomenon by which a perceiver’ expectations about a target lead target to behave in ways that confirm those expectations  Some researchers hypothesized that one reason for finding that some stigmatized groups view themselves as having a small number of stereotypic, negative characteristics is that the group members have internalized the negative views of the group that the majority members (society) directly and indirectly communicate to them o May occur in minority groups because if the minority group achknowledged that their group had as much worth as other groups in society, it would bring tremendous psychological discomfort in that it causes the stigmatized individual to question the structure of social reality  Majority member’s stereotype influences how they interact with the member of the minority group  These behaviors elicit behaviors that fit the majority member’s initial expectancies o Difficult to ignore if you’re a member of stigmatized group  Your fellow stigmatized colleagues are demonstrating the stereotypes characteristics and you recall yourself acting the same way, it is not surprising then that you accept as valied that your group including you tends to demonstrate that characteristic  Self-fulfilling prophecies do not occur when target is aware of the perceiver’s expectations  Self-fulfilling prophecy is a robust phenomenon, recent research indicates that its effect in maintaining stereotypes and eliciting stereotypic behacior in stigmatized individuals is limited  Effect of stereotyped expectations on the stigmatized tends to be quite small  Although the idea that self-fulfilling prophecies may elicit more stereotype-consistent behaviors in the stigmatized and may lead them to believe their group possesses some negative stereotyped characteristics o Little data supporting it as a factor in the stereotype-relevant behavior of the stigmatized  Major and her colleagues’ four ways stigmatized can maintain their self-esteem: o Attributing negative evaluations and reactions of others to prejudice o Devaluing outcomes on which their group compares poorly with other groups (stereotype threat) o Comparing one’s stigmatized ingroup with other stigmatized groups, rather than to nonstigmatized groups o Psychologically disengaging their self-esteem from feedback in domains in which their group is at a disadvantage  Self-esteem in stigmatized individuals seems to be faily resilient against the negative influence of others’ prejudice and stereotyping INTERGROUP INTERACTIONS  People experience discomfort and a desire to avoid interactions with physically different o Pregnant women and physically challenged persons because they are conflicted over whether to stare at the individual  Tendency to stare at an outgroup member comes primarily from curiosity about a group with whom the subjects infrequently come into contact  People did not derogate the physically different persons so staring and avoidance behavior was not attributable to feelings of disgust or dislike  Staring and avoidance were reduced when people had more time to get accustomed to the physically different person via simple habituation  Prior research has tented only to address majority and minority groups separately o Research on majority groups – Caucasians, the young, heterosexuals has explored how stereotypes and prejudices arise in these individuals to reduce and eliminate such negative intergroup attitudes o Minority groups – AAs, homosexuals, the elderly have examined how minority- group members feel about their stigma and how the stigma influences their self- perceptions and behavior toward others  To assess how affect, perceptions and expectations influence the way one perceives the outgroup member in an intergroup context, it’s important to understand the dynamics of the intergroup interaction DYNAMIC NATURE OF INTERACTIONS  Researchers today must turn their attention toward understanding the dynamic live interactions between majority and minority group members and how their thoughts, feelings and behavior both change the interaction and are changed by their perception of the interaction on a moment by moment basis  Typical intergroup interaction is characterized by some anxiety  Potential causes for anxiety are different for each member in the intergroup interaction  High prejudice majority members, anxiety may reflect their discomfort, sometimes driven by strong negative feelings – disgust, anger with the minority group and their preference to avoid the minority group altogether  Behaviors of minority group individual in response to the high prejudice majority member are likely to be seen by the latter as supportive evidence for their stereotypes  Low prejudice individuals, it’s important to distinguish between those who have had many intergroup experiences (intergroup skilled) from those who have had few intergroup interactions (intergroup unskilled) o Both groups are highly motivated to indicate to the minority group individual that they are not prejudiced  Intergroup-skilled majority members have a good idea of how best to present their low prejudice self to the other individual and they feel little or no anxiety in the interaction o Conveyed to minority member via relaxed behavior and demeanor o Minority member is less likely to misinterpret behavior of low prejudice majority member as an indicator of underlying prejudice o Minority group member is likely to respond in a similar fashion  Low prejudice, intergroup unskilled majority member o Intergroup context hols potential for misunderstanding because of diff motivations, expectations and perceptions the majority and minority individuals bring to the interaction o Difficult spot  Because they have had little intergroup contact, they do not know what behaviors are appropriate, what might unintentionally communicate prejudice white it does not exist and what to expect from the minority member  Uncertainty leads to anxiety evidenced in more avoidant nonverbal behaviors like decreased eye contact, nervous laughter and increased interpersonal distance  Result in conveying the opposite impression to the minority-group member: the majority member is nervous because they are uncomfortable around minorities as a result of feelings of prejudice toward the minority  Minority member may respond with withdrawal, dismissal (indifferent to majority group member) or hostility  If majority individual does not perceive minority member’s reaction is in response to perceived prejudice, they may perceive th
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