WS midterm review

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Women & Gender Studies
Lorraine Vander Hoef

wWS100OC Midterm Review In preparation for the midterm exam, be sure to have read online Lessons/Modules 1-6 under your course Content files, as well as Ch. 1-5 and the articles assigned from your Course Reader for weeks 1-6 on your Weekly Schedule. The midterm exam will consist of 50 multiple choice questions derived from the following review questions. 1. Be able to define the following terms: a. Gender - characteristics that one uses to distinguish themselves between the different sexes. How one expresses themselves regardless of their sex - Gender refers to how we are socialised into particular male or female roles in society. - Gender concerns what it means to be a woman or a man in society, it involves the way society creates, patterns and rewards our understandings of femininity and masculinity - defined as the way our society organizes understandings of sexual difference b. Patriarchy - a system where males dominate because power and authority are in the hands of adult men. - many men are supporters of women‘s rights and that many of the goals of the women‘s movement benefit men as well, although being a supporter of women‘s rights does not necessarily translate into men understanding how everyday privileges associated with masculinity maintain entitlements in a patriarchal society (heteropatriarchy  ensures straight male right of access to women. Ideology that woman is for a man) c. AVindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) - claims men will forever try to enslave women - seen as the first important expression of the demand for women‘s equality, although the beginning of the women‘s movement in the United States is usually dated to the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848. - one of the earliest works of feminist philosophy - Wollstonecraft responds to those educational and political theorists of the 18th century who did not believe women should have an education - Wollstonecraft was prompted to write the Rights of Woman after reading Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord's 1791 report to the French NationalAssembly, which stated that women should only receive a domestic education; she used her commentary on this specific event to launch a broad attack against sexual double standards and to indict men for encouraging women to indulge in excessive emotion. Wollstonecraft wrote the Rights of Woman hurriedly in order to respond directly to ongoing events; she intended to write a more thoughtful second volume but died before completing it. d. Lesbian feminism - emergence throughout the ―first world‖ in the 1970‘s and 1980‘s - focus of this radical approach is the private sphere of everyday individual consciousness and change - radical feminism offshoot - focuses on how compulsory heterosexuality (the cultural norm that assumes and requires heterosexuality) and heterosexual privilege ( the rights and privileges of heterosexuality, such as legal marriage and being intimate in public) function to maintain power in society . e. Lesbian baiting - feminists are accused of being lesbians in an effort to discredit feminism and prevent women from both joining the movement and and from taking women‘s studies classes - a common tactic used by the military in order to keep women within their defined gender roles. Lesbian baiting "is an attempt to control women by labelling us as lesbians because our behaviour is not acceptable, that is, when we are being independent - homophobia functions to maintain this as an insult - considerable fear associated with being called a lesbian and declaring that all feminists are lesbians serves to keep women in line apart from one another, and suspicious of feminism and women‘s studies. f. Third-wave Feminism ** email her about different dates online and text - many writers refer to this time of feminist activity influenced by postmodernism and multiracial feminism which problematizes the universality and potential inclusivity of the term woman - origins in the 1990‘s and reflects the thinking, writing, activism of women and men who tended to come of age taking for granted the gains of second wave feminism, as well as the resistance or backlash to it - third wave perspectives are shaped by the material conditions created by globalization and techno culture, and tend to focus on issues of sexuality and identity - contemporary third wave activity has been important in fuelling feminist activism, especially through musical and art forms, various ―rages‖ or ―zines‖ and the use of electronic information and entertainment and virtual technologies generally - emerged in the 1980‘s and forced white feminists in particular that their view of the world failed to accommodate the more complex oppression of women of colour. - global women, 90‘s, broader than white middle class women‘s issues, gender and sexuality g. Transnational feminism - the movement for the social, political and economic equality of women across national boundaries - still alive and well - useful for political alliances across national borders - is a contemporary paradigm. The name highlights the difference between international and transnational conceptions of feminism, and favours the latter.As a feminist approach, it can be said that transnational feminism is generally attentive to intersections among nationhood, race, gender, sexuality and economic exploitation on a world scale, in the context of emergent global capitalism. h. Compulsory heterosexuality - the expectation that everyone should be heterosexual - central componenent of the sexual scripts of most communities and societies - refers to the idea that heterosexuality, as a default sexual orientation, can be adopted by people regardless of their personal sexual preferences - Originally coined byAdrienne Rich in her groundbreaking essay ―Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence,‖ i. Ableism - discrimination against the mentally and physically disabled - Susan Wendell in ―The Social Construction of Disability‖ makes the case that ableism is a direct result of social factors that actively create standards of normality against which ability/disability is constructed j. Privilege - advantage given by institutions - advantages people have by virtue of their status or position in society - this can be distinguished from earned privilege that results, for example, from earning a degree or fulfilling responsibilities k. Horizontal hostility - when individuals direct the resentment and anger they have about their situation onto those who are of equal or lesser status, this process is called horizontal hostility - it is similar to the military tactic of ―divide and conquer‖ in which groups are encouraged to fight with one another in order to avoid alliances that might collaboratively overpower an enemy - women may do this when they are in competition about looks or put other women down l. Gender swapping - internet and other virtual technologies have facilitated Tran gendered identities through disruption of the expectation between self and body (feminine identity w. female body) - these technologies remove physical, bodily cues and potentially allow gender swapping  the creation of identities that attempt to avoid the binaries of ―femininity‖ and ―masculinity‖ - supports the post-modern view of gender as per formative and identity as multiple and fluid - men create feminine identities for themselves and vice versa - able to explore the ways that human interactions are structured by gender and to experience in some ways what life is like as another gender m. Homophobia - the societal fear or hatred of lesbians and gay men n. Internalized oppression ** look more into this - incorporated into our thoughts or behaviours (prejudiced) - we not only police ourselves, but also police one another, encouraging compliance with institutions that may oppress - the manner in which an oppressed group comes to use against itself the methods of the oppressor. For example, sometimes members of marginalized groups hold an oppressive view toward their own group, or start to believe in negative stereotypes. o. Lifestyle feminism - ushered in the notion that there could be as many versions of feminism as their were women - no matter what a woman‘s politics, she too could fit feminism into her existing lifestyle p. Gender socialization - the learning of behavior and attitudes considered appropriate for a given sex. - we are taught and learn the appropriate thinking and behaviours associated with being a boy or girl in any given society q. Transgender - claim a gender identity or expression different from the one assigned at birth by their family and community - gender identity doesn‘t match assigned one r. Genderqueer - combined alternative gender identities and sexualities, although you might see it used to imply someone who is transgendered without concern for gender identity - describes a person who is nonconformist in challenging existing constructions and identities - might also see it used to describe a social movement resisting the traditional categories of gender s. Tombois ** look more into this? - in west Sumatra, Indonesia - female-bodied individuals who lay claim to the social category ―man‖ by which I mean the idealogically dominant conception of manhood that circulates through much of Indonesia - not only dress and act like men, physically embody masculinity as well - may be included in the category of transgender people, if transgender is defined broadly t. Androgyny - lack of gender differentiation or a balanced mixture of recognizable feminine and masculine traits - example of transgender behaviour because it attempts to break down the binary categories of feminity and masculinity - andro – men gyny -women u. Transvestism - ―cross dressers‖ - fetishism transvestism is for sexual pleasure - wearing clothing of the other sex v. Masculinity ** look more into (112) - strong, independent, in control, out of touch emotionally - constructed from traits of intelligence, courage and honesty - two dimensions: potent sexuality and affinity for violence (machismo element) - to be a man is not to be a woman - the characteristics attributed to men in a certain society w. Femininity ** look more into (116) - attributes that society gives to be for a woman - soft, passive, domestic, nurturing, emotional, dependant, sensitive, delicate, intuitive, fastidious, needy, fearful and so forth. - varies across cultures - social stereotypes - channelling into two opposite aspects: chaste domestic, caring mother or Madonna and then the sexy, seducting, fun loving playmate or whore x. Gender ranking (119) - the valuing of one gender over another: sets the stage for sexism - gender encompasses not only the socially constructed, intersecting differences prescribed for different kidns of human beings but also the values associated with these differences - those traits assigned as feminine are less valued than those considered masculine y. Hermaphrodites -Aperson or animal having both male and female sex organs or other sexual characteristics, either abnormally or naturally. - born with both a testes and an ovary z. Intersexual ** look into this (122) - those born outside of the platonic dimorphic mold - their makeup does not fall into the set categories of male or female aa. Female masculinity ** look more into this - although the emergence of lesbian feminism throughout the first world in the 70‘s and 80‘s fostered the creation of a supposedly androgynous aesthetic along with the celebration of female values and a critique of masculinity, female masculinity remains a central feature of many of the worlds in which women love women - tom boys, wearing mens clothes, taking care of their girlfriend in way they perceive as masculine, drink beer, bb. Sexual scripts - guidelines for how we are supposed to feel and act as sexual persons - shaped by the communities and societies in which we participate and therefore are socially constructed (they emerge from communities and societies) - provide frameworks and guidelines for sexual feelings and behaviours, sometimes there is embarrassment shame and confusion associated with these sexual scripts as they easily become fraught with potential misunderstandings - contextualized in specific communities and nations shape how individuals come to develop a sense of their own sexual lives cc. Sexual identity - one aspect of sexual self-schemas that can be defined as a person‘s attraction to, or preference for, people of a certain gender - an individual‘s romantic and/or sexual (also called erotic) identity and behaviour towards other people - does not necessarily require sexual experience - encompasses things such as homosexual and heterosexual dd. Emotional intimacy - sharing aspects of the self with others with the goal of mutual understanding - women tend to be more skilled then men ee. Homophobia - the societal fear or hatred of lesbians and gay men ff. Bisexuality - can also be associated with androgyny - attracted to either sex gg. Cult of true womanhood - also called called of domesticity - prevailing value system among the upper and middle classes during the nineteenth century in the United States and Great Britain.Although all women were supposed to emulate this ideal of femininity; black, working class, and immigrant women did not fit the definition of "true women" because of social prejudice. Very few white women fit this ideal either, even those in wealthy households. This of course, did not stop them from trying. - perkins, 1983/ welter 1966 - a notion of womanhood that emerged for white (middle-class) women in the mid 1800s - ideal emphasized modesty, purity and domesticity for white women and identified wife and mother as their primary and most important roles The cult of true womanhood claimed: 1. The division of society into the public sphere where men worked and the private sphere where women raised the children and prepared the home as a sanctuary for men. 2. White men and women were differentiated from one another with the allocation of distinct virtues and roles. This, they were told was determined by vastly different biological natures. 3. The home as the only proper place for women. 4. White women's moral superiority including her idealization as a mother hh. Women’s Christian Temperance Union ** look into this - the first mass organization among women devoted to social reform with a program that "linked the religious and the secular through concerted and far-reaching reform strategies based on applied Christianity. - a worldwide organization that sought to protect women and children, particularly by eliminating what they saw as the destructive influence of alcohol. - met in churches to pray then marched to the saloons to ask owners to close their establishments - called the ―women‘s crusades‖ - Temperance may be defined as: moderation in all things healthful; total abstinence from all things harmful. - Among the WCTU's primary objectives in temperance reform was "protection of the home." The slogan "For God and Home and Native Land" (later changed to "Every Land") expressed the WCTU's priorities. Through education and example the WCTU obtained pledges of total abstinence from alcohol, and later also tobacco and other drugs. The white ribbon bow was selected to symbolize purity, and the WCTU's watchwords were, as they are today: - agitate, educate, legislate - Frances E. Willard was most famous member and second president - oldest voluntary, non-secretarian organization in continuous existence in the world - organized at a national convention in Cleveland in 1874, aiming for prohibition ii. Suffragists - advocates for women‘s voting rights - the extension of voting rights (especially to women) - suffrage is: The right or chance to vote, express an opinion, or participate in a decision; A kind of prayer; A vote in deciding a particular question jj. The Famous Five - western canadian women who worked to ensure women throughout Canada received decent pay, access to serving in government, human rights, decent working conditions and much more - most famous for the "Person's Case". In 1927 Emily Murphy gathered her four other friends together to send to the Supreme Court of Canada a petition asking for clarification on the process to become a Senator. The response from the all male judges with the Supreme Court said that women were not persons under the British NorthAmericaAct and therefore could not serve in Canada's Senate. Incredible! The five women, with the backing theAlberta government took their case to the British Privy Council where on October 18, 1929 the Council ruled that indeed women are persons. - five strong, intelligent, fierce women who organized themselves against the most powerful figures and institutions of the day without the trappings of institutional power. 1. Emily Murphy: -Suffragist and reformer -First female magistrate in the Commonwealth -Organizer of the "Person's" case -Wrote books and articles using the pseudonym "Janey Canuck" 2. Louise McKinney -Organizer of Women's Christine Temperance Union -First woman to serve as a member of the LegislativeAssembly in the Commonwealth in Alberta — 1917 3. Nellie McClung -Novelist, journalist -Suffragist, reformer -MLAfor Edmonton 1921-1926 -First female director of the Board of Governors for the CBC -Delegate to the League of Nations 1938 4. Henrietta Muir Edwards -Published Canada's first women's magazine -Established the prototype for the Canadian YWCA -Artist, legal expert -Founder of the National Council of Women (1893) 5. Irene Parlby -Advocate for rural women in Alberta -First female cabinet minister inAlberta, the second in the Commonwealth -Delegate to the League of Nations (1930) kk. Simone de Beauvoir - Simone de Beauvoir was born in 1908. Her father, who invested his money poorly, lost the dowry that would have been her ticket to a privileged marriage. Without a marital union to secure her future, Beauvoir opted for an education.At the Sorbonne she proved herself not only a brilliant student but later a brilliant teacher in philosophy. Beauvoir challenged her colleagues to contextualize their theories rather than making grand statements with no attachment to lived experience. In all of Beauvoir's work she examined the concrete experiences of women in order to expose how women were relegated to a subordinate status. - By focusing on women, she came to the conclusion that women could not be "naturally" classified to any of the attributes applied to them. Beauvoir brilliantly demonstrated how women's bodies (the uterus, the ovaries) had been translated into roles with particular traits and value that rendered women second class status. Remember in an earlier lecture we looked briefly at the idea of biological determinism. Well this is what Beauvoir was contesting. For example, why is it that having a uterus somehow innately positions women to know how to nurture children? - In Beauvoir's ground breaking work The Second Sex she examined the countless ways structures like the family, marriage, religion, government policies, scientific research and philosophical treatises functioned to create social roles that provided men with greater influence and power and women with lesser. In her thinking, the division of attributes into masculine and feminine traits served to limit the potential of all people to grow fully. - The division, according Beauvoir functioned to create a power divide that placed men as the norm and women as the "other". The identity of the "other" was defined by men and not by women (whoever held greater power could decide the fate of the other).Agood way to understand this concept is to think of stereotyping. Images of women or people of colour in a white society are defined by certain attributes. Who does the stereotyping? Those who have the most economic, social, political control in society get to decide how others are defined and their access to resources. The purpose is to maintain power in the hands of those who currently exercise it. The problem for women in particular has been that they begin to believe they need to be protected, that their role is to decorate in order to compete against other women for the attentions of men, to be the caregivers in the family, to accept a lesser salary than men, not to be too outspoken or powerful or take up too much physical space (hence the dieting craze) and the list goes on. This subordinate role is reinforced in magazines, movies, books and conversations. Sadly even women expect such behaviours from each other and find ways to discipline one another. "One is not born a woman; one becomes a woman." This is Beauvoir's most often quoted statement. It encapsulates all we have noted in terms of how women's identity is forged through ideologies and institutions that artificially impose traits (that women are less rational and more emotional than men, or superficial because of their attention to clothes and make up). Her work delved into the function of power and the multitude of ways and directions such power was dissipated to maintain the status quo. 2. Be able to distinguish between liberal and radical feminisms and to describe the context out which Women‘s Studies arose as a discipline. liberal feminists – believe in the viability of the present system (the system is okay) and work within its context for change in such public areas as education and employment. They attempt to remove obstacles to women‘s full participation in public life. Strategies include education, federal and state policies, and legal statutes radical feminists – wheras liberals want a piece of the pie, radicals (sometimes known as radical cultural feminists or difference feminists) want a whole new pie. They recognize the oppression of women as a fundamental political oppression wherein women are categorized as inferior based upon their gender. It is not enough to remove barriers to equality; rather, deeper, more transformational changes need to be made in societal institutions (like the gov‘t or media) as well as in people‘s heads. Patriarchy, radical fem‘s believe, shapes how women and men think about the world, their place in it, and their relationships with one another. Rad fem‘s assert that reformist solutions like those liberal feminism would enact are problematic because they work to maintain rather than undermine the system. Liberal feminism focuses on the public sphere, this focuses on private sphere of everyday individual consciousness and change. Radical feminist offshoots include lesbian feminism. Radical fem thought also includes ecofeminism, a perspective that focuses on the association of women with nature. How Women StudiesAroseAsADisclipline: In the late 1960‘s and early 1970‘s, students and faculty began demanding that the knowledge learned and shared in colleges around the country be more inclusive of women‘s issues, and they asked to see more women in leadership positions on college campuses. It was not unusual, for example, for entire courses in English orAmerican literature to include not one novel written by a woman, much less one of colour. Literature was full of men‘s ideas of women – ideas that often continued to stereotype women and justify their subordination. History courses often taught only about men in wards and as leaders, and sociology courses primarily addressed women in the context of marriage and the family. Similarly, entire departments often consisted exclusively of men with perhaps a small minority of (usually white) women in junior or part-time positions.Although there have been important changes on most college campuses as women‘s and multicultural issues are slowly integrated into the curriculum and advances have been made in terms of women in leadership positions, these problems, unfortunately, still exist in higher education today. It is important to note that making women subjects of study involved two strategies that together resulted in changes in the production of knowledge in higher education. First, it rebalanced the curriculum. Women as subjects of study were integrated into the existing curricula through the development of new courses about women. This shifted the focus on men and men‘s lives in the traditional academic curriculum and gave some attention to women‘s lives and concerns by developing, for example, courses such as ―Women andArt‖ alongside regular courses that sometimes claimed to be inclusive but focused on (usually white) men. In addition, not only did traditional academic dpt‘s like English offer these separate courses on women, but the development of women‘s studies programs and departments offered curricula on a variety of issues that focused specifically on (initially usually white) women‘s issues. Second, the integration of women as subjects of study resulted in a transformation of traditional knowledge (what Beverly Guy- Sheftall author of origins in the reading ―forty years of women‘s studies calls ―mainstreaming‖). People began questioning the nature of knowledge, how knowledge is produced, and the applications and consequences of knowledge in a wider society. This means that claims to ―truth‖ and objective ―facts‖ are challenged by new knowledge integrating the perspectives of marginalized people. It recognizes, for example, that a history of theAmerican West written by migrating whites is necessarily incomplete and differs from a history written from the perspective of indigenous native people who had their land taken.Although the first strategy was ―add women and stir‖, this second involved a serius challenge to traditional knowledge and its claims to truth. In this way, women‘s studies aimed not only to create programs of study where students can focus on women‘s issues and concerns, but also to integrate a perspective for looking at things that would challenge previously unquestioned knowledge. This perspective questions how such knowledge reflects women‘s lives and concerns, how it maintains patterns of male privilege and power, and how the consequences of such knowledge affect women and other marginalized people.As Guy-Sheftall explains in the above essay, this approach fostered heightened consciousness and advocacy about gendered violence and was also central in the development of other academic fields like gay and lesbian gender studies. Women studies as a discipline has its origins in the women‘s movement of the 1960‘s and 1970‘s, known as the ―second wave‖ women‘s movement. The second wave refers to this twentieth-century period of social activism from the 1960‘s to the 1980‘s that addressed formal and informal inequalities associated, for example, with the workplace, family, sexuality, and reproductive freedom. The second wave movement can be distinguished from ―first wave‖ mid-nineteenth-century women‘s rights and suffrage (voting) activity that south to overturn legal obstacles to women‘s participation in society and more contemporary ―third wave‖ movements, discussed in more detail below.As an academic discipline, women‘s studies was influenced by theAmerican studies and ethnic studies programs of the late 1960‘s. The demand to include women and other marginalized people as subjects of study in higher education was facilitated by broad societal movements in which organizations and individuals (both women and men) focused on such issues as work and employment, family and parenting, sexuality, reproductive rights, and violence against women. The objective was to improve women‘s status in society and therefore the condition of women‘s lives. The U.S. women‘s movement emerged at a moment of widespread social turmoil as various social movements questioned traditional social and sexual values, racism, poverty and other inequities, and U.S. militarianism. These social movements, including the women‘s movement and the civil rights movement, struggled for the rights of people of colour, women, the poor, gays and lesbians, the aged and the young, the disabled and fought to transform society through laws and policies as well as changes in attitudes and consciousness. Two aspects of the women‘s movement – a commitment to personal chance and to societal transformation – have helped establish women‘s studies as a discipline. In terms of the personal, the U.S. women‘s movement involved women asking questions about the cultural meanings of being a woman. Intellectual perspectives that became central to women‘s studies as a disclipline were created from the everyday experiences of people both inside and outside the movement. Through consciousness-raising groups and other situations where some women were able to come together to talk about their lives, participants realized that they were not alone in their experiences. Problems that they thought to be personal ( like working outside the home all day then coming home to work another full day doing the domestic tasts that are involved with being a wife and mother) were actually part of a much bigger picture of masculine privilege and female subordination. This is the click! Of recognition described by Jane O‘Reilly in the classic article ―The Housewife‘s Moment of Truth.‖ This reading, originally published in 1971, provides a poignant historical document of the impact of consciousness raising for helping (especially white, privileged) women understand the politics of their everyday lives. These women like O‘Reilly began to make connections and coined the phrase the personal is political to explain how things taken as personal or idiosyncratic have broader social, political and economic causes and consequences. In other words, situations that we are encouraged to view as personal are actually part of borader cultural patterns and arrangements. Note that the idea that the personal is political has relevance for men‘s lives as they understand the connections between patterns of gender in societal instutitutions and personal experiences of gender privledge and entitlement. By the 1970‘s questions were being raised about this generic notion of woman and the monolithic way ―women‘s experiences‖ were being interpreted. In particular, critiques of the women‘s movement and women‘s studies centered on their lack of inclusivity around issues of race, class, sexual identity or orientation, and other differences. These critiques fostered, among other developments, a field of Black Women‘s Studies that encouraged a focus on intersectionality which continues to transform the discipline.As Bonnie Thornton Dill explains in ―Intersections‖ the second essay in ―Forty Years of Women‘s Studies‖, intersectionality involves the ways all people‘s experiences of gender are created by the intersection or coming together of multiple identities like race, ethnicity, social class and so forth.As this essay emphasizes, although intersectionality is most easily understood as multifaceted identities, it also helps explain the organization of power in society and can be used as a tool of social justice. The first women‘s studies department  following the activism of the the 1960‘s, feminists in academia worked to begin establishing a place for the study of women. In 1970 women faculty at San Diego State University taught five upper-division women‘s studies classes on a voluntary overload basis. In the fall of that year, the SDSU senate approved a women‘s studies department, the first in the United States, and a curriculum of 11 courses. The school hired one full-time instructor for the program. Other instructors included students and faculty from several existing departments. Quickly, many other colleges and universities around the nation followed suit, establishing women‘s studies courses, programs, and departments. In 1977 academic and activist feminists formed the National Women‘s StudiesAssociation to further the development of the discipline. NWSAheld its first convention in 1979. Claiming an Education –Adrienne Rich (1979) – one of the devastating weaknesses of university learning, of the store of knowledge and opinion that has been handed down through academic training, has been its almost total erasure of women‘s experience and thought from the curriculum, and its exclusion of women as members of the academic community. Today, with increasing numbers of women students in nearly every branch of higher learning, we still see very few women in the upper levels of faculty and administration in most institutions. What you can learn in college and university is how men have perceived and organized their experience, their history, their ideas of social relationships, good and evil, sickness and health. Less than a decade ago, with the rebirth of a feminist movement in this country, women students and teachers in a number of universities began to demand and set up women‘s studies courses – to CLAIM a woman-directed education. And despite the inevitable accusations of ―unscholarly‖, despite backlash and budget cuts, women‘s studies are still growing, offering to moe and moer women a new intellectual grasp on their lives, new understanding of our history, a fresh vision of the human experience and also a critical basis for evaluating what they hear and read in other courses and in society at large. The education of women has been a matter of debate for centuries, and old, negative attitutudes about women‘s role, women‘s ability to lead are still rife both in life and university. Many male professers still feel that teaching in a women‘s college is a second rate career. Forty Years of Women‘s Studies – Origins Beverly Guy-Sheftall  women‘s studies, as a distinct entity within U.S. higher education, made its debut in 1970 with the establishment of the first program at San Diego State University. 3. Be able to recognize the roots of women‘s activism in the late eighteenth to nineteenth-century struggles for woman‘s rights. (1701-1800, 1801-1900) th Earliest written legal codes dating back to the 18 century BCE, The Code of Hammurabi as it was called (Hammurabi was the king of Babylon) dealt with women as men‘s property. Thth code established the standard on which jurisprudence would operate down into the 19 century CE. The Code of Hammurabi and others like it, established that non-slave women typically belonged first to their fathers and then to their husbands. Rape was treated as a form of property damage, the rapist was required to pay compensation to the husband or father. Even today, the traditional marriage ceremony is a reflection of women as property of men. The bride is delivered by her father to her future husband. While we no longer interpret this ritual as the exchange of property, the tradition is rooted in the exchange of property. Women‘s bodies were judged as inherently different (inferior) from those of men in both quality and value. The normative body was the male; the femable body by comparison was evaluated as both dangerous (to men and their development toward perfection) and defective (lacking in the higher virtues that men carried physically and morally). Atristotle who lived during the fourth century BCE believed that only those embryos that received sufficient heat could grow to human form and by human he meant male. Those embryos missing out on the necessary heat would become female or simply a ―misbegotten man‖. Aristotle‘s ideas were simply a reflection of the society in which he lived and yet they permeated western cultural and political practices and thoughts until the 18 century. Aristotle argued that women were physically weak, had a more fragile constitution and smaller brains leaving them highly prone to immoral behaviours and of course unfit to participate in civic life. Women, by his accounting, were not equipped with the mental capacity for rational thought that meant they were less reliable when it came to moral decisions. He suggested women‘s potential for immorality could entice men away from more virtuous behaviour.At a social religious and political level these negative ideas about women justified the limiting of their rights. We need only look to the early stories found in Judeo-Christian texts about Adam and Eve or in the Greek myths like that of Pandora, to see how these ideas that tell stories of women causing harm to men or to the world because of their lack of morals, have become powerful tools to justify control over women first through religion and then through politics. Christian theologians like St.Augustine believed women‘s purported weaker moral character made them subject to sexual passions that would endanger men‘s souls. In the MiddleAges, thousands of women were executed as witches. Up until 1871, Canadian women experienced what if often described as a "civil death" when they married. They were not permitted to hold property, keep any wages they earned, make contracts or maintain custody of children should their marriages or unions dissolve. In the 1870s, some rights in terms of property ownership were extended to women only if they brought such property into the marriage. Once divorced, it was men who held custody over the children and if a single woman gave birth, she had no legal authority over the child. The situation was even more dramatic for Native, Chinese, Indian and Black women who were all denied the right to hold citizenship in 19th and early 20th century. The scientific theories of the day contended that women of colour were less evolved than both the men of their racial group and certainly less evolved than white women. Charles Darwin in his 19th century proposals about evolution and natural selection argued that males competed against other males for access to females. His theory indicated that it was the winning males of this battle who would move evolution slowly toward the perfection of the male. According to Darwin, the female human was situated outside the evolutionary process because her role was solely to reproduce. In evolutionary theory, she lacked the necessary physical and intellectual energy required of natural selection. Like earlier thinkers, Darwin pictured women as frail, overwrought emotionally, more inclined to nurturing capacities and child like. Ideas that justified women's capabilities determined women's access to the world of decision making (politics, work, education, marriage and reproduction). The manipulative power of this message, that women were less competent, was women's own acceptance of its truth value. So many women did see themselves as less intellectual and more emotional than men which left men in control of making decisions, voting, serving in public office, owning businesses, making financial decisions, dominating the professions. (See Rosalind Miles. The Women's History of the World Lthdon:Palthin Grafton Books,1988). The 18 and 19 centuries saw the enslavement of both black and native women in the US and in a different form here in Canada. As late as 1822, we have records of small numbers of native women being executed in the US as witches. Their crime was struggling to keep traditions in place against the powerful colonizing powers of the US government and religious groups like the Quakers. Some of the traditions that threatened early colonizers were native women‘s position in the family as farmers. Research today informs us that these women often experimented with seed development ensuring that their communities would be fed throughout the harsh winters. The skills of these women were passed on to early European settlers who knew little about the land, the weather or the crops. When native women generated surplus crops, they were known to have shared them with these new white inhabitants. th Reformers in the 19 century North America saw the family as the civilizing nexus of nation building that stressed individualism, and private ownership.All of these concepts in the way they were defined by reformers were antithetical to the way in which native communities operated. All slaves were denied education, when women couldn‘t reproduce, they had hard labour with cruel beatings and torture. Beginning in the 1870‘s and lasting well into the 1920‘s, emergence of large corporations in Canada. In order for families to survive, women, children and men all had to work. Under this new economic reality, that dismantled the old features of male and female identity, a new division between men and women emerged.As nation building continued, there were more emphasis on dividing the world into private spaces where women were to remain, and public spaces where men were free to roam. The private sphere was the home – the only dignified or acceptable space for women to operate in, and the public sphere was the place of work, politics and recreation. - Marthwollenstoncraft had published in Britain ―AVindication of the Rights of Women‖ in the 18 century.At the time of her writing this essay, she found herself shunned by those who continued to believe women were weak and incapable of making political and social contributions. It was not until the middle of the 19 century, that her work began to hold important influence for women in NAand Britain. Wollestoncraft was not convinced that women were incpabale of rational thought or less able to lead political parties or work or any of the prevailing notions of women that rendered their status on of the second class citizens. These statements held sway over women who knew they were good thinkers and political actors. Wollestoncraft‘s criticism of western society reviewed the reigning ideas that defined white women as needy and emotional and therefore requiring protection from men. She argued that if women were denied an education that it would, of course, restrict what women could then choose to do in their lives. She addressed attitudes and laws that kept women from acting in the public sphere and in the private. Not only did wollestoncraft‘s work generate important ideas for women contesting their second class citizens in NAsociety, but religion also played an important role in how women learned to organize politically. Traditional Christianity depicted white women as either temptresses leading men away from a moral life with god or as virgins with little or no sexual appetite. For a brief period in the mid 19 century as men left religious life as pastors or priests to join the world of commerce, middle class white women found that they had more leisure time on their hands that allowed them to make change not only in terms of the church itself, but in the communities where they lived. Through the church and in the absence of men, women created committees to address social issues, they reframed the identity of Jesus to make him more accessible, his attributes were more ―feminine‖. They emphasized his meekness and sacrifice. Women began linking industrialization to poverty, poor housing, hunger, and illness among the poor. They identified themselves as Christian reformers with a moral duty to alter the conditions they saw around them. They organized a wide array of charitable organizations that included houses where women who were being beaten by their husbands could seek refuge. They set up houses for prostitutes and soup kitchens for the poor. Independantly from the church but still as reformers, women in the last part of the 19 century began demanding further and better education for girls. Some women argued that it was human right for girls to have access to higher education; other women based their defence on girls need for an education to be better wives and mothers. One of the girst places where women gained a political voice was on school boards in Canada. They convinced men in their communities that if they were charged with raising their children as moral beings, they should be able to serve on the boards that made decisions about their children‘s education. The battle to sit on school boards was one that had to be won in each and every community across Canada. Women like Letiticia Youmans, who, as a school teacher, dealt with the affects of alchohol on the lives of her students and their mothers formed the WCTU in Ontario. The aim was to move gov‘ts to prohibit the sale of alchohol. The WCTU took their campaign not only to politicians but to doctors hoping to convince them of medical reasons to demand prohibition. In the end, their efforts to influence doctors and politicians failed to bring about the results they demanded. th In the last third of the 19 century numerous ―undercover‖ clubs were created by women anxious to discuss ideas about the franchise or rights but who feared doing so. For example the Toronto Women‘s LiteraryAssociation that was inaugurated by Dr. Emily Stowe in Toronto in 1976. With greater confidence to fight openly for the franchise, committee members in 1881 embraced their political mandate and renamed their group the Canadian women‘s suffrage association. What is particularly significant or daring was their refusal to admit men. Their justification for men‘s exclusion was their knowledge of how when women were less likely to speak freely. The first woman to own, publish and write a newspaper in Canada was MaryAnn Shadd Cary who was both an anti-slavery advocate and a suffragist. Originally from the US, she fled slavery to settle in South Western Ontario. She was widely respected as a keynote public speaker heth in Canada and the US on issues of slavery and the vote. Like other black women of the 19 century, she tied both race and gender together in order to demonstrate the particular oppressive complexities women of colour experienced in both debates. She was also the first black woman to obtain a law degree in the US. Still, the three most prominent and famous of the suffragists in the US were Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Mott and Susan B. Anthony. The Women's Movement in the United States was launched at the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848 where the "Declaration of Sentiments" was established as the document that would serve as the moral basis for the suffragist movement. The ultimate goal of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Mott and Susan B. Anthony was to secure a constitutional change that would enshrine the rights of women once and for all. They fought for a guarantee that women would be given full franchise rights alongside of men. A similar crusade occurred in Canada but not until the 1920s when the "Famous Five" battled to have Canadian women recognized as persons in the British North America Act. The starting point for the suffragist movement in the United States predated the Seneca Convention. In the 1820s women like Fanny Wright were speaking about women's rights, the Grimke sisters were doing the same in the 1830s.And like the Canadian experience, there were a wide array of ideas and motivations under girding the movement as well as internal splits. Some groups sought to have the franchise won state by state while others like the Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Mott and Susan B.Anthony looked for constitutional changes at a federal level. TheAbolitionist movement and the Civil War all added to the complexity. The difficulty of convincing white women to understand the particular concerns of Black women led to a dramatic parting of ways. With little support from white women, Black women were forced to begin their own groups combining race and sex issues.
 - women had few legal, social and economic rights in nineteenth century U.S society. They had no direct relationship to the law outside of their relationships as daughters or wives; in particular, married women lost property rights upon marriage. Women were also mostly barred from higher education until women‘s colleges started opening in the mid-nineteenth century. However, when socioeconomically privileged white women started to access higher education in the late-nineteenth century, most women of colour still faced obstacles that continued into the present. - Most early women‘s rights activists (then it was referred to as woman‘s rights) in the US had their first experience with social activism in theAbolition movement, the struggle to free slaves. These activists included such figures as Elizabeth Candy Stanton, Lucretia Mott, Susan B.Anthony, Sojourner Truth, Sarah M. andAngeline Grimke, Henry Blackwell, Frederick Douglass and Harriet Tubman. Many abolitionists became aware of inequities elsewhere in society. Some realized that to improve women‘s status a separate social movement was required. In this way, for many abolitionists, their experiences with abolition inspired their desire to improve the condition of all women‘s lives. - English philosopher Mary wollstonecraft‘s book a vindication of the rights of women (1972) is seen as the first important expression of the demand for women‘s equality, although the beginning of the women‘s movement in the US is Seneca falls. The Seneca falls convention was conceived as a response to the experience of Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who, as delegates to the world anti-slavery convention in London in 1840, were refused seating, made to sit behind a curtain, and not allowed to voice their opinions because they were women. Their experience fuelled the need for an independent women‘s movement in the US and facilitated the conventions at Seneca falls in 1848.An important document, ―declaration of sentiments and resolutions‖ came out of this convention.Authored primarily by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, it used the language of the U.S. Declaration of Independence and included a variety of demands to improve women‘s status in the family and in society. Woman‘s suffrage, the right of women to vote, was included. Other conventions were held across the country, and national organizations were formed to promote women‘s rights generally and suffrage in particular. These organizations included the National Woman SuffrageAssociation formed in 1869, National American Woman Suffrage association in 1890. NAWSAwas formed from the merging of NWSAand theAmerican woman suffrage association and continues today as the league of women voters. The first wave women‘s movement fought for political personhood, a struggle that continues today. The ―Anthony Amendment‖ the women‘s suffrage amendment, was introduced to congress in 1878; it took another 42 years for this amendment to be ratified as the nineteenth amendment in 1920, granting women the right to vote. Susan B. Anthony – in the 1840‘s she became involved with the temperance movement, campaigning for stricter liquor laws to address the ill effects of drunkenness on families. In 1853 she was denied the right to speak at the New York Sons of Temerance meeting because she was a woman. From after her women‘s state temperance society she continued to advocate women‘s suffrage. In 1866, she and Stanton founded theAmerican equal rights association and in 1868 began to publish the revolution. In 1872 anthony was arrested in Rochester, new york, for voting. In 1877, she gathered 10,000 signatures from 26 states, but congress ignored them. She appeared before every congress from 1869 to 1906 to ask for passage of a suffrage amendment. Nineteenth amendment also called the susan B.Anthony amendment. 1840 – the world‘s anti-slavery convention is held in London, England. When the women delegates from the US are not allowed to participate, lucretia mott and Elizabeth cady Stanton determine to have a women‘s rights convention when they return home 1848 – the first woman‘s rights convention is called by Mott and Stanton. It is held on July 20 at the Wesleyan Chapel in Seneca Falls, NY 1851 – Elizabeth cady Stanton and susan bAnthony meet and begin their 50 year collaboration to win for women their economicm educational, social and civil rights. Soujourner truth delivers her ―and aint I a woman‖ speech at the woman‘s rights convention inAkron, OH. 1863 – Stanton andAnthony organize the women‘s loyal national league and gather 300 000 signatures on a petition demanding that the senate abolish slavery by constitutional amendment. 1866 – TheAmerican equal rights association is founded with the purpose to secure for all americans their civil rights irrespective of race colour or sex. Lucretia Mott is elected president. To test women‘s constitutional right to hold public office, Stanton runs for congress, receiving 24 of 12 000 votes cast. 1867 – Stanton,Anthony, and lucy stone address a subcommittee of the new york state constitutional convention requesting that the revised constitution include women‘s suffrage. Their effort‘s fail. Kansas holds a state referendum on whether to enfranchise blacks and or women. Stone,Anthony, and Stanton traverse the state speaking in favour of women‘s suffrage. Both black and women‘s suffrage is voted down. 1868- the fourteenth amendment to the U.S. constitution is adopted. The amendment grants suffrage to former maleAfricanAmerican slaves, but not to women.Anthony and Stanton bitterly oppose the amendment, which for the first time explicitly restricts voting rights to ―males‖. Many of their former allies in the abolitionist movement, including lucy stone, support the amendment. 1869 – the national woman suffrage association is founded with Elizabeth cady Stanton as president. The maerican woman suffrage association is founded with henry ward beecher as president. Wyoming Territory grants suffrage to women 1870 – Utah Territory grants suffrage to women. 1871 – victoria woodhull addresses the judiciary committee of the house of representatives arguing that women have the right to vote under the fourteenth amendment. The committee issues a negative report. 1872 – in Rochester, ny, susan BAnthony registers and votes contending that the fourteenth amendment gives her that right. Several days later, she is arrested. 1873 – at anthonys trial the judge does not allow her to testify on her own behalf, dismisses the jury, rules her guilty, and fines her 100 dollars. She refuses to pay. 1874 – in minor v. Happersett, the supreme court decides that citizenship does not give women the right to vote and that women‘s political rights are under the jurisdiction of each individual state 1876- Stanton writes a ―declaration and protest of the women of the united states‖ to be read at the centennial celebration in Philadelphia. When the request to present the declaration is denied, Anthony and four other women charge the speakers‘rostrum and thrust the document into the hands of vice president Thomas W. Ferry 1882 – the house of representatives and the senate appoint select committess on woman suffrage 1887 – the first three volumes of the history of woman suffrage, edited by susan bAnthony, matilda Joslyn gage and Elizabeth cady Stanton, are published. 1890 – after several years of negotiations, the NWSAand theAWSAmerge to form the NAWSA with Elizabeth cady staton, susan bAnthony and lucy stone as officers. Wyoming joins the union as the first state with voting rights for women. By 1900 women also have full suffrage in Utah, colerado and Idaho. 1895 – Elizabeth cady Stanton publishes the woman‘s bible, a critical examination of the bible‘s teaching about women. The NAWSAcensures the work. 1896 – Mary church Terrell, Ida B wells-barnett, Margaret murray Washington, fanny Jackson coppin, frances ellen Watkins harper,charlotte forten grimke, and former slave harriet tubman meet in Washington D.C. to form the national association of coloured women 1902 – Elizabeth cady Stanton dies. Women of Australia are enfranchised 1906 – Susan B.Anthony dies. Women of finland are enfranchised. 1910 – the women‘s political union holds its first suffrage parade in nyc (pg 21) 4. Be able to identify the five myths about feminism described in Ch. 1 and the feminist response to each myth. 1) feminists are angry, whiny women who have an axe to grind, who have no sense of humor, and who exaggerate discrimination against women 2) feminists hate men or want to be like men and selfishly want to create new systems of power over men 3) all feminists are said to be lesbians, women who choose romantic relationships with other women 4) feminists are said to reject motherhood, to consider children a burden, and to have rejected all things feminine 5) feminism is dismissed as a white, middle-class movement that draws energy away from attempts to correct social and economic problems and discourages coalition building. - although there are some feminists who respond, some would say rightly, to societal injustices with anger, most feminists work patiently with little resentment. Men as a social group demonstrate much more anger than women, feminists included. Even though male rage comes out in numerous acts of violence, wars, school shootings, and so on, men‘s anger is seen merely as a human response to circumstance. Note the androcentrism at work here. Because a few angry feminists get much more publicity than the majority of those working productively to change the status quo, a better question might be why women are not more angry, given the levels of injustice against women both in the united states and worldwide. Feminists donot exaggerate this injustice, injustice is a central organizing principle of contemporary society. We should also ask why women‘s anger provokes such a negative response. The cause of the relatively intense reaction to women‘s anger is grounded in a societal mandate against female anger that works to keep women from resisting their subordination – that is, it keeps them passive.Anger is seen as destructive and inappropriatem going against what we imagine to be feminine. - It is often said that feminists hate men. It is accurate to say that, in their affirmation of women and their desire to remove systems of inequality, feminists ask men to understand how gender privilege works in men‘s lives. Many men are more than willing to do this because the same social constructions of masculinity that privilege men also limit them. Because the demand for the examination of gender privilege is not synonomous with hating men, we might ask why these different concepts are so easily conflated.Amore interesting question is why men are not accused more often of hating women. Certainly the world is full of misogyny, the hatred of, or comtempt for, women, and every day we see examples of the ways misogyny influences and sometimes destroys the lives of women. The reality is that most feminists are in relationships with men and some feminists are men. Some men eagerly call themselves pro-feminists because feminism is a perspective on life. Nonetheless, the man-hating myth works to prevent many women who want to be in relationships with men from claiming feminism. They are encouraged to avoid a political stance that suggests antagonism toward men. - Feminists often respond to the declaration that they hate men with the observation that the statement illustrates a hypersensitivity about the possibility of exclusion and loss of power on the part of men. Only in a patriarchal society would the inclusion of women be interpreted as a potential threat or less of men‘s power. It is a relfection of the fact that we live in a competitive patriartchal society that it is assumed that the feminist agenda is one that seeks to have power over men. Only in an androcentric society where men and their reality is center stage would it be assumed that an inclusion of one group must mean the exclusion of another. In other words, male domination encourages the idea that affirming women means hating men and interprets women‘s request for power sharing as a form of taking over. This projection of patriarchal mentality equates someone‘s gain with another‘s loss. - In response to the assertion that feminists want to be men, it is true to say that feminists might like to share some of the power granted to men in society. However, feminism is not about encouraging women to be like men, its about valuing women for being women. People opposed to feminism often confuse sameness and equality and say that women will never be equal to men because they are different or they say that equality is dangerous because women will start being like men. Feminism. Of course, affirms and works to maintain the difference, it merely asks that these differences be valued equally. - Feminists are accused of being lesbians in an effort to discredit feminism and preventing women from joining the movement and from taking women‘s studies classes. The term for this is lesbian baiting. Feminism affirms women‘s choices to be and love whomever they choose.Although some lesbians are feminists, many lesbians are not feminists, and many feminists are heterosexual. Feminists do not interpret an association with lesbianism an insult. Nonetheless, homophobia, functions to maintain this as an insult. There is considerable fear associated with being called a lesbian, and this declaration that all feminists are lesbians serves to keep women in line, apart from one another, and suspicious of feminism and women‘s studies. Not that this myth is related to the above discussion on men-hating because it is assumed that lesbians hate men too. - Fourth, feminism has never rejected motherhood but instead has attempted to improve the conditions under which women mother. Contemporary legislation to improve working mothers‘lives and provide safe and affordablehealthcare, child care and education for children etc. has come about because of the work of feminists. In terms of rejecting feminitity, feminists have rejected some of the constraints associated with femininity such as corsets and hazardous beauty products and practices. Mostly they strive to reclaim femininity as a valuable construct that should be respected. - Fifth, feminism has been critiqued as a white, middle-class perspective that has no relevance to lives of women of colour. The corollary of this is that women‘s studies is only about the lives of white, bourgeois women. This critique is important because, as discussed above, the history of the women‘s movement provides examples of both blatant and subtle racism, and white women have been the ones to hold most positions of power and authority. Similarly, working class women have been underrepresented. This is also reflected in the discipline of women‘s studies as faculty and students have often been disproportionately white and economically privileged. Much work has been done to transform the women‘s movement into an inclusive social movement that has relevance for all people‘s lives. Women‘s studies departments and programs today are often among the most diverse units on college campuses, although most still have work to do. It is absolutely crucial the study of women as subjects both recognizes and celebrates diversity and works to transform all systems of oppression in society. In ―Feminist Politics‖ bell hooks claims back feminism as the movement to do just that. She emphasizes that any call to sisterhood must involve a commitment on the part of white women to examine white privilege and understand the interconnections among gender race and class domination. 5. Be able to describe the function of institutions and their relation to various forms of oppression. Institutions are social organizations that involve established patterns of behaviour organized around particular purposes. They function through social norms (cultural expectations) which are institutionalized and patterned into organizations and sometimes established as rules and/or laws. Major institutions in our society include the family, marriage, the economy, government and criminal justice systems, religion, education, science, health and medicine, mass media, the military and sports. Usually patterns of rules and practices implicit in major societal institutions have a historical component and reflect political, military, legal and socioeconomic decisions to be made over decades and centuries.Although institutions are intended to meet the needs of society generally, or people in particular, they meet some people‘sneeds better than others. These social organizations are central in creating systems of inequality and privilege because they pattern and structure differences among women in relatively organized ways. Institutions are important channels for the perpetuation of what hill Collins calls ―structures of domination and subordination‖. Note that institutions may resist systems of inequality and privilege through, for example, positive portrayal of women and marginalized people in media or the activities of some churches for civil rights. Marilyn Frye focuses on the institutional aspect of systems of inequality and privilege in her article ―oppression‖. She empathizes that people who suffer under systems of inequality are oppressed by these systems. Frye writes about the fundamental difference between being oppressed and being limited and goes on to explain that a fundamental aspect of oppression is the double bind: all potential options have limitations. She uses the metaphor of a birdcage to explain the networks of related barriers that function in systems of oppression. Institutions encourage the channeling of various systems of gendered inequality to all aspects of women‘s lives. In terms of the patterning of resources and practices, institutions function to support systems of inequality and privilege. First, institutions assign various roles to women and men and are also places of employment where people perform gendered work. Educational institutions for example employ a considerable amount of women. However, as the prestige of the teaching position increases, the number of white males in these positions increases, along with higher salaries.Additionally, it is very difficult for openly lesbian teachers to find employment in schools, and many states are attempting to pass laws preventing lesbians and gay men from teaching in state-funding educational establishments. Finally, as cherrie moraga illustrates in the reading exploring the 2008 election of barack Obama, access to such high level institutional authority is difficult for people of colour. President Obama had to tread very carefully around issues of race during the campaign and continues this bahviour in his presidency. Moraga writes of the obstacles to such institutional power on the part of a man of colour, as well as the ―tenacity of hope‖ associated with such a feat. Second, instituions distribute resources and extend priveleges differently to different groups. Sports are a good example of this.As an institution, athletics has traditionally been male dominated. Mens sports are more highly valued then womens and are a major focus for sports entertainment. Compared to mens professional sports, womens are grossly underrepresented. Despite title IX of the educational amendments of 1972, which barred discrimination in education, many colleges still are not in compliance and spend considerably more money on mens sports then womens. Female athletes on some campuses complain that men receive better practice times in shared gyms and better equipment.And within womens sports, some are more white than others. Example are gymnastics, skating, tennis, fold, horses. Most womens sports outside of basketball and track are dominated by white women. In this way, sports and athletics are an example of an institution where resources are inequitably distributed. Another blatant example of inequitable distribution concerns the economic system. Other than inherited wealth, the major way our economic system distributes resources is in terms of remuneration for the work that we do. Women tend to work in jobs that are heavily occupied by women such as clerical work, service and retail. These jobs are undervalued in our society, contributing to the fact that a woman‘s average salary generally for all occupations tend to be less than a mans average. Some women work under deplorable conditions at minimum wage levels; some work with hazardous chemicals or have to breathe secondhand smoke through the day. Old women and women of colour own a tiny percentage of the wealth in our society, another example of the inequitable distribution of resrouces by an intersection of confluence of multiple identities. Third, major institutions in society are interconnected and work to support and maintain one another. Often this means that personnel are shared among major institutions; more likely it means that these institutions mutually support one another in terms of the way they fulfill (or deny) the needs of people in society. For example, close ties to economic instutions include the military (through the military-industrial complex), the government (corporate leaders often habve official positions in gov‘t and rely on legislative loopholes and taxation systems to maintain corporate profits) health and medicine (with important ties to pharmaceutical) the media (whose content is controlled in part by advertising) and sports (through corporate sponsorship). Finally, institutions produce ideas and values that shape meanings associated with different identities. 6. Be able to recognize the three dimensions of oppression discussed by Patricia Hill Collins in your textbook and the three solutions she proposes. 1) The institutional dimension of oppression  Sandra harding‘s contention that gender oppression is structured along three main dimensions offers a useful model. Systemic relationships of domination and subordination structured through social institutions such as schools, businesses, hospitals, the workplace and government agencies represent the institutional dimension. Sexism and elitism all have concrete instiutional locations. Even though the workings of the institutional dimension of oppression are often obscured with ideologies claiming equality of opportunity, in actuality, race, class and gender place asianAmerican women, nativeAmerican men, white men, AfricanAmerican women and other groups in distinct institutional niches with varying degrees of penalty and privilege. Institutions ofAmerican society discriminate, whether by design or by accident. While many of us are familiar with how race, gender and class operate separately to structure inequality, I want to focus on how these three systems interlock in structuring the institutional dimension of oppression. To get at the interlocking nature of race class and gender, I want you to think about the antebellum plantation as a guiding metaphor for a variety of American social institutions. even though slavery is typically analyzed as a racist institution, I suggest that slavery was a race, class, gender specific institution. Removing any one piece from our analysis diminishes our understanding of the true nature of relations of domination and subordination under slavery. Abrief analysis of keyAmerican social institutions most controlled by elite white men should convince us of the interlocking nature of race, class and gender in structuring the institutional dimension of oppression. For example, if you are from anAmerican college or university, is your campus a modern plantation? Who controls your university‘s political economy? Are elite white men overrepresented among the upper administrators and trustees controlling your university‘s finances and policies?Are elite white men being joined by growing numbers of elite white women helpmates? What kinds of people are in your classrooms grooming the next generation who will occupy these and other decision making positions?Are elite white men being joined by growing numbers of elite white women helpmates? Who are the support staff fixing the pipes? Much more typical are colleges where a modified version of the plantation as a metaphor for the institutional dimension of oppression survives. 2) The symbolic dimension of oppression – widespread, societally sanctioned ideologies used to justify relations of domination and subordination comprise the symbolic dimension of oppression. Central to this process is the use of stereotypical or controlling images of diverse race, class and gender groups. In order to assess the power of this dimension look at this list : MASCULINE = aggressive, leader, rational, strong, intellectual FEMININE = passive, follower, emotional, weak, physical! Not only does this list reflect either dichotomous thinking and the need to rank both sides of the dichotomy, but ask yourself exactly which men and women you had in mind when compiling these characteristics. This list applies almost exclusively to middle class white men and women. The allegedly masculine qualities listed are only acceptable when exhibited by elite white men or when used by black and Hispanic men against each other or women of colour. Aggressive black and Hispanic men are seen as dangerous, not powerful, and are often penalized when they exhibit any of the allegedly masculine characteristics. Working class and poor white men fare slightly better and are also denied the masculine symbols of leadership, intellectual competence and human rationality. Women of colour and working class and poor white women are also not represented on this list, for they have never had the luxury of being ―ladies‖. What appear to be universal categories representing all men and women instead are unmasked as being applicable only to a small group. It is important to see how the symbolic images applied to different race, class and gender groups interact in maintaining systems of domination and subordination. If I were to ask you to repeat this same assignment but make different lists for black women, Hispanic men etc. I suspect your gender symbolism would be quite different. In comparing all of the lists, you might begin to see the interdependence of symbols applied to all groups. For example, the elevated images of white womanhood need devalued images of black womanhood in order to maintain credibility. Assumbing that everyone is affected differently by the same interlocking set of symbolic images allows us to move forward toward new analyses. Women of colour and white women have different relationships to white male authority, and this difference explains the distinct gender symbolism applied to both groups. Black women encounter controlling images such as the mammy, the matriarch, the mule and the whore, that encourage others to reject us as fully human people. Ironically, the negative nature of these images simultaneously encourages us to reject them. In contrast, white women are offered seductive images, those that promise to reward them for supporting the status quo.And yet seductive images can be equally controlling. Consider for example the views of nancy white, a 73 year old black women ―my mother used to say that the black woman is the white man‘s mule and the white woman is his dog. Now she said that to say this: we do the heavy work and get beat whether we do it well or not. But the white woman is closer to the master and he pats them on the head and lets them sleep in the house, but he aint gon treat neither one like he was dealing with a person.‖ both sets of images stimulate particular political stances. By broadening the analysis beyond the confines of race, we can see the varying levels of rejection and seduction available to each of us due to our race, class and gender identity. Each of us lives with an allotted portion of institutional privilege and penalty, and with varying levels of rejection and seduction inherent in the symbolic images applied to us. This is the context in which we make our choices. Taken together, the institutional and symbolic dimensions of oppression create a structural backdrop against which all of us live our lives. 3) The individual dimension of oppression  whether we benefit or not, we all live within institutions that reproduce race, class and gender oppression. Even if we never have any contact with members of other race, class and gender groups, we all encounter images of these groups and are exposed to the symbolic meanings attached to those images. On this dimension of oppression, our individual biographies vary tremendously.As a result of our institutional and symbolic statuses, all of our choices become political acts. each of us must come to terms with the multiple ways in which race, class and gender as categories of analysis frame our individual biographies. I have lived my entire life as an agrican American woman from a working class family, and this basic fact has a profound impact on my personal biography, imagine how different your life might be if you had been born black, or white, or poor, or a different race/class/gender group than the one with which you are most familiar. The institutional treatment you would have received and the symbolic meanings attached to your very existence might differ dramatically from what you now consider to be natural, normal and part of everyday life. You might be the same, but your personal biography might have been quite different. I believe that each of us carries around the cumulative effect of our lives within multiple structures of oppression. If you want to see how much you have been affected by this whole thing, I ask you one simple question – who are your close friends? Who are the pwople with whom you can share your hopes dreams, fears etc? do they look like you? If they are all the same, circumstance may be the cause. For the first seven years of my life I only saw low income black people. My friends from those years reflected the composition of community. But now that I am an adult, can the defense of circumstance explain the patterns of people that I trust as my friends and colleagues? When given other alternatives, if my friends and colleagues reflect the homogeneity of one race, class and gender group, then these categories of analysis have indeed become barriers to connection. I am not suggesting that people are doomed to follow the paths laid out for them by race, class and gender as categories of analysis. While these three structures certainly frame my opportunity structurem I as an individual always have the choice of accepting things as they are or trying to change them.As nikki Giovanni points out: weve got to live in the real world. If we don‘t like the world were living in, change it.And if we cant change it, we change ourselves. We can do something. While a pice of the oppressor may be planted deep within each of us, we each have the choice of accepting that piece or challenging it as part of the ―true focus of revolutionary change‖ 7. Be able to define and recognize examples of classism (Yeskel). Walk into any hospital cafeteria and you‘ll seldom see the class line broken.At lunch or dinnertime there will be tables of nurses, tables of doctors and tables of working crews. This same dynamic is replicated in many other workplaces. The divisions aren‘t only based on race or gender, they are based on class – what noam Chomsky calls the ―unmentionable five letter word‖. Class is our collective family secret. We pretend it doesn‘t exist and if it doesn‘t exist how can we talk about it? The invisibility and lack of attention, unfortunately, is often true among diversity professionals as it in society at large. The idea of adding issues of classicism to our existing list of issues causes discomfort. We worry what might happen if we open this Pandora‘s box. Workplaces are one of the few places where there is any cross-class contact. Most of us tend to live in a class segregated world. Because of the way housing works, our immediate neighbourhoods are usually homogenous. So too, are our social circles. Even those of us who regularly socialize with folks of varied races, ethnicities, religions and sexual orientations don‘t typically spend social time with folks different from us class- wise. In many of the workshops I do, I ask people how many have graduation from a four-year college. I then ask those who have a college degree or more, how many have friends who didn‘t go to or graduate from college. Very few hands are raised. Since only 28 percent of those over age 25 have graduated from a four year college, random odds tells us we would have a decent percentage of friends who didn‘t go to college. But there is nothing random operating; we are experiencing the systemic effects of class segregation and classism. When I recently asked this questin of diversity professionals in a train-the-trainer session focused on class issues the response was the same. If we are the folks who make a living teaching others the importyance of valuing diversity and how to eliminate systemic barriers and discrimination, then why isn‘t this on our agendas? There are many reasons for this and one is the lack of clarity and consensus about what we mean by class. Fifteen years ago I wanted to write my dissertation on anti-classist traning and education.After spending eight months trying to define ―class‖ to the satisfaction of my committee, I switched topics. There are no commonly agreed upon definitions because different disciplines focus on different aspects of class. Some economists focus on income strata as the main criteria, such as whether someone is in the bottom or middle quintile. Some sociologists tend to focus primarily on occupational status; is someone white collar, blue/pink collar etc? Still others focus on the issue of ownership, power or control; does someone sell their labour or own the means of production? For others it is how much control does someone have in the workplace and over the conditions under which they work? Still others talk about class as culture, which includes values, cultural capital (what you know), and social capital (who you know). If we don‘t have clarity about class, social class or socio-economic class how can we tackle classisim? ManyAmericans take pride and comfort in the belief that all people have boundless opportunity. We believe that since there are no landed gentry, aristocracy and titles based on birth, that class no longer matters thoday and that it was a problem of the past. in addition to these material realities, classist ideaology and mythology shape the beliefs that provide the rationale for such excessive inequality. TheAmerican dream, the belief that people in this country can attain enough income to own their own homes and provide comfortably for their families if they work hard enough is pervasive. The fact that most Americans can point to at least one xample where this is true reinforces the myth of class mobility and the assumption that those who don‘t move up the class latter lack a strong work ethic. We locate the credit and blame for success of lack of solely on the individual. While it is true that there is some class fluidity, and that our class position may change over the course of a lifetime, the current reality is that economic class is much less fluid then most people think.Aseries on class inAmerica reviewed research on class mobility and concluded that ―mobility has flattened out or even declined.‖ Particularily during periods of social and economic stress, in the absence of a framework for understanding classism, people often turn to scapegoats and distractions. Thus the underlying factors that create the vast inequalities in wealth, along with the beneficiaries of these policies, remain largely invisible. Instead, people on welfare are blamed for causing our budget woes, urban young men of colour are blamed for crime, immigrants are blamed for taking away jobs, working women, gays and lesbians are held responsible for the breakdown of the nuclear family and the moral decay of society. Issues of class and classism also intersect with every other form of oppression. Race and class in particular are very intertwined in the US while about half of all poor people are white, wealthy people are disproportionately white. Poor people are disproportionately black, latino and nativeAmerican. The racial wealth divide is even wider than the income gap: for every dollar of assets owned by whites, people of colour own about 18 cents of that dollar. People living in poverty are more likely than others to be disabled, and disabled people are more likely than able bodied people to be poor.Afar higher percentage of people with disabilities live in households that are below the poverty level, and a similarly disproportionate number report not having adequate access to healthcare or transport. The feminization of poverty over the last 30 years has increased the classism and sexism connection. There is the two-job phenomenon for women, who still perform endless hours of unpaid work catering for children and the elderly at home on top of their paid work out in the world. Men are socialized to equate self-worth with what they produce (their net worth) and women performing comparable work to men are still not paid an equal amount. Beyond the economic realm: the harms from classism, however, extend far beyond the economic realm. Predudice exists in our language, in words such as ―trailer trash‖ and ―classy‖. The same prejudice is manifested in the treatment of service workers; underpaying them, disregarding their humanity and often creating unnecessary tasks for them to do. Popular culture and the US media are full of classist stereotypes. Working class people are often portrayed as dumb buffoons while poor people are depicted as criminal, tragic victims or heartwarming givers of wisdom. Wealthy people are rendered as shallow and vain or as evil villains. ―normal‖ is potrayed as an expensive upper middle class lifestyle that no more than 10 percent ofAmerican families can actually afford. This combines with the manipulative advertising to fuel consumerism, the overemphasis on buying more and better things as a componenet of happiness, which in turn fuels excessive consumer debt. The lives of many working class people, especially those people in poverty, are full of stress. The shortage of options and scarce resources take an emotional toll. Bad health outcomes, such as shorter life expectance, high infant mortality and more preventable diseases, are prevalent among working class and poor people. These stem not only from inferior health care, poor diet, long hours and physical work that take a toll on workers‘bodies but also the stress of living in a society that looks down on them. Disrespect is harmful. Interestingly, it is not just poverty that creates bad health outcomes. In a given population where basic needs are met, greater levels of economic inequality correlate with negative health outcomes for everyone. People higher up in the economic spectrum as well as those lower down have worse health outcomes when the inequality is greater. Classism, like other forms of oppression, can be internalized causing self-blame, shame, low expectations, discouragement and self-doubt, particularly about one‘s intelligence. Internalized classism can also be manifested through disrespect towards other poor and working class people, in the form of harsh judgements, betrayal, violence and other crimes. Upwards mobility, far from bringing relief from classism, can bring culture shock and painful divided loyalties. Professional middle class people are harmed when they‘re isolated from working class people and taught that they are superior and should be in charge. They are harmed by misinformation about how society works (they are sometimes less clued in to social and economic trends then working class poor or rich people) and by conditioning that shapes their behaviour to a narrow ―proper‖ range. In addition to the same isolation and lack of awareness that impacts middle class people, wealthy people also find that others sometimes connect with them primarily in relation to their money, and they may have trouble trusting others‘motivations. Some develop a sense of entitlement and arrogance that makes them unable to connect across class differences. Many of the ways we ―read‖ someone‘s class or ―size someone up‖ in terms of class (a process that can be quite unconscious) are based on our own class culture, which includes normative behaviours such as language use, manner of dress and the ―proper‖ guidelines for conducting ourselves while these things can be learned, the process is not easy. We also judge others‘cultural capital which refers to their familiarity with cultural objects such as books, fine art, theatre, restaurants, vacation spots and jewellery. encouraging diversity professionals to step up: part of the challenge of adding issues of class and classism to the agenda is the prohibition on talking about it. In the US, discussions involving issues of class and money are often more taboo than discussing sexuality. Deep seated prohibitions about disclosing the facts of one‘s class identitity are learned early in our lives. Shame of being poorer or richer than others leads to secrecy and silence. This silence powerfully maintains the invisibiliuty of class. Issues of class may be less familiar than other issues of oppression partyly due to the secrecy about the personal aspects of class identity and the confusion surrounding the societal and economic aspects. Diversity professionals with math anxiety or who are unfamiliar with the economic basics often feel overwhelmed while tackling issues of class.Acentral reason most diversity professionals don‘t add classism to the agenda may be because classism is a different type of ―ism‖. It is possible to imagine working for equality between the sexes, or for gays and lesbians and people of colour, without necessarily eliminating gender, sexual orientation or race as identities. However, by definition it is impossible to have equality between classes while still having different classes. You cant have an owning class without a working class, a serf without nobility or a slaveholder without slaves. The existence of class necessitates class inequality. I think it is because of this that the rationales that underlie class inequality are so strong and persistent. Ultimately, I don‘t think we will be successful in any of our work against racism, sexism, heterosexism etc. until we begin to take on the issue of classism. - people who are poor/working class often internalize the dominant society‘s beliefs/ attitudes towards them, and act them out on themselves and others of a similar class. The acceptance and justification of classism by working class and poor people, plays out in feelings of inferiority to higher class people and feelings of superiority to people lower on the class spectrum. Often hostility and blame is projected on other working class or poor people, includeing beliefs that classist institutions are fair. 8. Be able to recognize the
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