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Chapter

Tutorial 8 Notes


Department
History
Course Code
HISB31H3
Professor
Neville Panthaki

Page:
of 3
World War II
x total war—civilians, technological warfare, prisoners of war increases
x Nazi Partyplanned agenda or circumstance
o Blood and Space—“Blut und Boden”
o anti-Semitism Æ the intense dislike for and prejudice against Jewish people
x the US and Nazi Germany both had anti-interracial marriage laws
x the human ladder presented by Hitler are also seen in the caste system in India and by the British in the 5-colour system
Mao Zedong
x wealthy farming family
x Confusionist educationeducated locally (did not travel abroad)
x talked about peasant revolts
x rural, localized setting
x uses emotions and tries to get audience passionate about what he says
x uses emotional address to “experienced peasants”
x someone who won’t sit around in an office, instead, wants to experience everything first-hand
x says violence that peasants are using on “evil” gentry is necessary because of the way the gentry treated the peasants
x he excuses the violence because they have been oppressed and are now fighting back
x not only uses an emotional address but appeals to the audiences’ emotions
x comes from the very class that he is criticizing
Sun Yatsen
x peasant family background
x studied abroad—medicine
x political activist (started in Tokyo)
x another person that studied medicine abroad and then became a political activist was Che Guevara
x he always addresses the audience as “comrades”
x Three Principles of the People: democracy, nationalism, and socialism
x socialism can be translated as the “people’s livelihood”
x democracy Æ comparison to Western countries (France, US, England, Switzerland); representative government not
being very effective because it might not reach all people; making comparisons, but at the same time points out that the
Western constitutional government is not very effective
x nationalism Æ everyone must be known as Chinese, even if they are from a different race; uniting all 5 races under one
name; comparison to the US where races were all united; unite China; productive power; proportionalisation (compares
it to the old Chinese system instead of Western nations)
x democracy (part II) Æ (page 174 last sentence) “direct electoral rights”
x uses a way of arguing that is very logical and structural
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Tutorial 8 Guiding Questions
1. Explain the emergence of Mao Zedong and the strength of the communists.
Mao Zedong’s 22 years in the wilderness can be divided into 4 phases. The 1st of these is the initial 3 years when Mao and
Zhu De, the commander in chief of the army, successfully developed the tactics of guerrilla warfare from base areas in the
countryside. These activities, however, were regarded even by their protagonists, and still more by the Central Committee in
Shanghai (and by the Comintern in Moscow), as a holding operation until the next upsurge of revolution in the urban
centres. In the summer of 1930 the Red Army was ordered by the Central Committee to occupy several major cities in
south-central China in the hope of sparking a revolution by the workers. When it became evident that persistence in this
attempt could only lead to further costly losses, Mao disobeyed orders and abandoned the battle to return to the base in
southern Jiangxi. During this year Mao’s wife was executed by the Nationalists, and he married He Zizhen, with whom he
had been living since 1928.
The 2nd phase (the Jiangxi period) centres on the founding in November 1931 of the Chinese Soviet Republic in a portion of
Jiangxi province, with Mao as chairman. Since there was little support for the revolution in the cities, the promise of
ultimate victory now seemed to reside in the gradual strengthening and expansion of the base areas. The Soviet regime soon
came to control a population of several million, the Red Army, grown to a strength of some 200 000, easily defeated large
forces of inferior troops sent against it by Chiang Kai-shek in the 1st 4 of the so-called encirclement and annihilation
campaigns. But it was unable to stand up against Chiang’s own elite units, and in October 1934 the major part of the Red
Army, Mao, and his pregnant wife abandoned the base in Jiangxi and set out for the northwest of China, on what is known
as the Long March.
There is wide disagreement among specialists as to the extent of Mao’s real power, especially in the years 1932 34, and as
to which military strategies were his or other party leaders. The majority view is that, in the last years of the Chinese Soviet
Republic, Mao functioned to a considerable extent as a figurehead with little control over policy, especially in military
matters. In any case, he achieved de facto leadership over the party (though not the formal title of chairman) only at the
Zunyi Conference of January 1925 during the Long March.
When some 8 000 troops who had survived the perils of the Long March arrived at Shaanxi province in north-western China
in the autumn of 1935, events were already moving toward the 3rd phase in Mao’s rural odyssey, which was to be
characterized by a renewed united front with the Nationalists against Japan and by the rise of Mao to unchallenged
supremacy in the party. This phase is often called the Yan’an period (for the town in Shaanxi where the communists were
based), although Mao did not move to Yan’an until December 1936. In August 1935 the Comintern at its 7th Congress in
Moscow proclaimed the principle of an antifascist united front, and in May 1936 the Chinese communists for the first time
accepted the prospect that such a united front might include Chiang Kai-shek himself and not merely elements in the
Nationalist camp. The so-called Xi’an Incident of December 1936, in which Chiang was kidnapped by military leaders from
north-eastern China who wanted to fight Japan and recover their homelands rather than participate in civil war against the
communists, accelerated the evolution toward unity. By the time the Japanese began their attempt to subjugate all of China
in July 1937, the terms of a new united front between the communists and the Nationalists had been virtually settled, and the
formal agreement was announced in September 1937.
In the course of the anti-Japanese war, the communists broke up a substantial portion of their army into small units and sent
them behind the enemy lines to serve as nuclei for guerrilla forces that effectively controlled vast areas of the countryside,
stretching between the cities and communication lines occupied by the invader. As a result, they not only expanded their
military forces to somewhere between 500 000 and 1 000 000 at the time of the Japanese surrender but also established
effective grassroots political control over a population that may have totalled as many as 90 000 000. It has been argued that
the support of the rural population was won purely by appeals to their nationalist feeling in opposition to the Japanese. This
certainly was fundamental, but communist agrarian policies likewise played a part in securing broad support among the
peasantry.
Internationally, Mao argued, the Chinese revolution was a part of the world proletarian revolution directed against
imperialism (whether it be British, German, or Japanese); internally, the country should be ruled by a “joint dictatorship of
several parties” belonging to the anti-Japanese united front. For the time being, Mao felt, the aims of the Communist Party
coincided with the aims of the Nationalists, and therefore communists should not try to rush ahead of socialism and thus
disrupt the united front. But neither should they have any doubts about the ultimate need to take power into their own hands
in order to move forward to socialism.
The issues of Nationalist-communist rivalry for the leadership of the united front are related to the continuing struggle for
supremacy within the Chinese Communist Party, for Maos two chief rivalsWang Ming, who had just returned from a
long stay in Moscow, and Zhang Guotao, who had at first refused to accept Mao’s political and military leadership—were
both accused of excessive slavishness toward the Nationalists. But perhaps even more central in Mao’s ultimate emergence
as the acknowledged leader of the party was the question of what he had called in October 1938 the “Sinification of
Marxismits adaptation not only to Chinese conditions but to the mentality and cultural traditions of the people.
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In March 1943 Mao achieved for the first time formal supremacy over the party, becoming chairman of the Secretariat and
of the Political Bureau. Shortly thereafter the Rectification Campaign took, for a time, the form of a harsh purge of elements
not sufficiently loyal to Mao. The campaign was run by Kang Sheng, who was later to be one of Maos key supporters in
the Cultural Revolution. Exaggerating considerably this dimension of events, Soviet spokesmen have bitterly denounced the
Rectification Campaign as an attempt to purge the Chinese Communist Party of all those elements genuinely imbued with
“proletarian internationalism(i.e., devotion to Moscow). It is therefore not surprising that, as Maos campaign in the
countryside moved into its 4th and last phase—that of civil war with the Nationalists—Stalin’s lack of enthusiasm for a
Chinese communist victory should have become increasingly evident.
2. Describe Japanese imperial rule.
3. Was the Atomic Bomb necessary?
The role of the bombings in Japan’s surrender and US’s ethical justification for them has been the subject of scholarly and
popular debate for decades. J. Samuel Walker wrote in an April 2005 overview of recent historiography on the issue, “the
controversy over the use of the bomb seems certain to continue.” Walker noted that “the fundamental issue that has divided
scholars over a period of nearly 4 decades is whether the use of the bomb was necessary to achieve victory in the war in the
Pacific on terms satisfactory to the US.”
Supporters of the bombings generally assert that they caused the Japanese surrender, preventing massive casualties on both
sides in the planned invasion of Japan: Kyushu was to be invaded in October 1945 and Honshu five months later. Some
estimate Allied forces would have suffered 1 million casualties in such a scenario, while Japanese casualties would have
been in the millions. Others who oppose the bombings argue that it was simply an extension of the already fierce
conventional bombing campaign and, therefore, militarily unnecessary, inherently immoral, a war crime, or a form of state
terrorism.
4. Periodize the conflict in the Pacific, explaining the significance of key battles.
The Pacific War, also called sometimes the Asia-Pacific War refers broadly to the parts of WWII that took place in the
Pacific Ocean, its islands, and in the Far East. The term Pacific War is used to encompass the Pacific Ocean theatre, the
South West Pacific theatre, the South-East Asian theatre, and the Chinese theatre, also including the 1945 Soviet-Japanese
conflict. It is generally considered that the Pacific War began on 7 December 1941 with the invasion of British Malaya and
the attack on Pearl Harbour in the US Territory of Hawaii by the Empire of Japan. The Pacific War saw the Allied powers
against the Empire of Japan, the latter aided by Thailand and to lesser extent by its Axis allies Germany and Italy: it
culminated in the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki by the US and the Soviet invasion of Manchuria, resulting
in Victory over Japan Day and the end of WWII on August 15, 1945.
Up to the Battle of Midway the Japanese had been on the offensive attacking and winning in battle after battle. They also
had a great superiority in numbers of ships, especially aircraft carriers, which helped them take the offensive. At Midway
they had 4 aircraft carriers sunk, all of the planes on them were destroyed and the vast majority of the pilots, who were their
best and most experienced, were killed. The US lost just 1 aircraft carrier in the engagement. That shifted the numerical
balance sufficiently that the Japanese could no longer take the offensive, but we could. Midway was thus the turning point
of the war in the Pacific. Midway’s importance also lay in the fact that it was a crucial refuelling factor for American
aircraft, giving the controlling forces a distinct advantage in long-range bombing.
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