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Department
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Neville Panthaki

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1. Coffee by Steven C. Topik
Latin America, particularly Brazil, leading producer of coffee, where it was grown on both large estates (fazendas in Brazil) and small farms
planted, tended, and harvested by family farmers, free labour, and slave labour; and it was an agricultural and industrial process
capital intensive—trees take about 7 years to yield beans, requiring considerable investment—and labour intensive since beans need great care in picking
19th and early 20th centuries—coffee was leading export of nearly half countries of Latin America and important in number of others
tied together archaic and bourgeois, slave and free, proletarian and intellectual, arduous toil and frivolous leisure
coffee was introduced into Brazil by a European colonial power—Portuguese
interests of Portuguese crown together with conditions within Brazil dictated continued use of slaves
initial form derived from combination of international availability of African bondsmen and reluctance of European immigrants, history of social
acceptance of slavery, and lack of a domestic alternative because of internal resistance
Brazil’s agricultural boom began to fizzle in early 19th century because of a recession in world economy
burst of European and North American demand for coffee as their economies recovered from the Napoleonic Wars redoubled Brazil’s reliance on export
economy and stimulated its craving for slaves
by far largest importer of African bondsmen and last country in Western world to abolish slavery when emancipation finally arrived in 1888
decision to force slaves to till land and pick beans had formidable consequences for Brazil
on one hand, it made Brazil world’s greatest coffee producer; Brazil had the largest railroad network, by the time slavery was abolished, next to India,
outside of Western Europe and North America, of which two-thirds was in coffee-growing provinces
abolition of slavery in 1888 created one of the most abrupt and through transformations of a labour system in history
rather than employing freedmen and free Brazilians, states attracted almost a million Italian, Portuguese, and Spanish immigrants to plantations by 1914
transformation was so rapid that slavery’s end did not harm coffee economy at all, instead, Brazilian coffee exports ballooned five-fold in 2 decades after
Golden Law of abolition was passed
decision to turn to immigrants derived from internal struggles within Brazil—resistance by Brazilian freedmen refusing to work long hours and refusing to
allow wives and children into fields; resistance by other peasants preferring to occupy own plots rather than working for plantation owners
colono” labour system—central work unit was family; only head of household was paid; family might tend 5000 trees (about 15 acres); little integration
or specialization; provided colono about 40% of monetary income; during harvest time and occasionally at other times, paid for day work, accounting for
25% of monetary income; most of total income came from work as peasant; subsistence may have constituted 70% of remuneration; colono sold own corn,
beans, and livestock, accounting for 33% to 40% of earnings; could and did move about; ultimate choice of leaving Brazil altogether
slaves in Brazil were especially cheap because of proximity of Africa, volume of trade, and size of existing Brazilian slave population
2. Sugar in Brazil by Peter L. Eisenberg
massive importation of African slaves into Brazil from 1500s through 1800s was result of labour requirements of sugar plantations
sugar plantations formed heart of politics and society until emergence of coffee as Brazil’s largest export in 19th century
during late 19th century, Pernambuco sugar industry led Brazil in exports, exemplified problems of national industry well, and experienced two kinds of
difficulties: falling prices and stiffer competition
Brazilians failed to overcome these difficulties and their industry stagnated, deteriorating export revenues first indicating predicament
falling sugar prices, especially after 1860, reduced returns in early 1870s to level of 1850s
in 1880s access to US market spurred export growth, but by 1890s sugar exports were again in serious trouble
negative trends in export trade hurt industry because foreign markets absorbed over ¾ of Pernambuco’s sugar
moreover, consequence of such adverse turns were magnified by Brazil’s high dependence upon imported goods, which required foreign exchange earned
by selling abroad and falling foreign exchange rage after 1851 only compounded problem
this decline in foreign exchange rate had 2 contrasting effects: (1) benefited sugar producers because it enabled them to sell foreign currency earned in
exports for increasing amounts of milréis, (2) it hurt importers, for whom foreign exchange became more expensive
sugar producers were exporters and importers, since nearly all capital equipment, as well as many of consumption goods, came from abroad
exchange rate falls did not compensate for sugar price falls and growing European beet sugar industry cause many of Pernambuco’s problems
beet sugar producers invaded and conquered world market; cane sugar producers, who had enjoyed over 90% of world market in 1840s, had access to less
than 50% of world demand by beginning of 20th century
beet sugar squeezed Brazil out of European markets and to replace English markets, Brazilians exported to USA; but even there Brazil’s position was
tenuous; sales to US climbed rapidly in 1870s, and by end of Empire the US had replaced Great Britain as Brazils principal foreign market
Brazilian domestic market offered only outlet for producers unable to meet foreign competition
in Second Empire, Pernambucans sold between 15 and 20% of their sugar to home consumers
vast majority was refined branco variety, for 3 reasons: (1) Brazilian consumer, like European, demanded white sugar on table; (2) since imperial Brazil
had no large refineries, the planters themselves had to transform mascavado into white sugar; (3) imperial government imposed import taxes on foreign
refined and crystallized sugars, which frequently had protectionist effects
Brazilian planters, and particularly Pernambucans, could attribute their difficulties to relatively few causes
export crisis was clear product of beet sugar boom, which drove down prices and pre-empted traditional markets
only protected domestic market remained, and here, because of Pernambuco’s distance from major population centers, north-eastern producers were
unable to maintain ascendancy enjoyed in foreign markets
3. Studying a Colonial Economy—Without Perceiving Colonialism by Irfan Habib
When Cambridge Economic History of India was published in early 1980s, its editors built on Morris D Morriss thesis that India’s economy had not
industrialized in 19th century because it did not have right preconditions, to which, Irfan Habib wrote scathing review arguing that economy of Indian
subcontinent could not be studied without accounting for effects of colonial government
in addition to the continuous drain of Indian wealth to Britain—in the form of taxes, tributes, and revenue that were transferred to the British government
and in the form of protections granted to Manchester textile industry that enriched private individuals—Britain invested very little in infrastructure,
education, or public works in India
according to Habib, colonial economy was largely extractive and benefited Britain, rather than India
if Indians in particular industries were able to thrive economically, Habib argues that it was in spite of colonialism, rather than because of it
it has been widely recognized that British tariff policy was mainly directed towards making India an unprotected market for Britain
Morris immediately begins to contest this and says that scholars feel that a vigorous protective tariff policy would have very little effect
he argues that the jute and cotton textile industries grew swiftly without tariff protection and had important markets overseas
according to Habib—(1) it is illogical to lump jute and cotton industries together, (2) for exports, it is obvious that industries with protected home markets
can often afford to accept lower profit margins in foreign markets, and so protection at home helps them abroad
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textile industryaccording to Morris, only domestic; according to Habib, only major industry, which, owing to close access to cheap raw materials and a
large home market, had some change to growth and other industries had no chance at all
according to Habib—Morris does not describe tariff and excise nor currency manipulation with which Britain tried to stifle Indian cotton industry; under
Lancashire pressure all duties on imports into India were abolished in 1879 and 1882, ostensibly to remove unfair competition and in the interest of the
native population, who would get cheaper cloth
in 1894, a tariff of 5% was now levied on imported cloth, but excise was levied on Indian mill-yarn competing with Lancashire
in 1896, in order to further protect Lancashire, such excise was levied on all Indian mill-cloth
Morris cannot but notice the setback the Indian cotton mill-industry suffered as a consequence, but he put it odd terms saying that the Indian industry was
not harmed by the excise measures, but the Indians shouting themselves hoarse over them
rise in value of rupee naturally made exports to East Asia and Middle East less competitive and cheapened British yarn and cloth in India
if Indian textile industry even then survived, it was not because of any lack of trying on part of British government
whatever else might have been responsible for failure of Indian industry to develop, Morris exonerates colonial regime from any culpability throughout,
instead, he finds real culprit was India’s low per capita income
4. Corruption in the Dutch Colonies by Multatuli
Multatuli was pseudonym of Eduard Douwes Dekker, born in Amsterdam in 1820, son of Dutch sea captain, died in 1887
Dekker left school at age of 15, and in 1838 entered East Indian Civil Service in Java where in rose steadily rank, despite several disputes with superiors
Dekker spent much of life writing to vindicate himself and in effort to improve the lot of the Javanese
Javanese is naturally a husbandman as he is lured by soil on which he is born, promising him much for little work
Javanese is devoted to cultivation of rice fields, which is seen from early on, when the male goes with his father to the field to assist
rice is to the Javanese what the grape is to the wine growers along the Rhine and in the south of France
Europeans came and to force Javanese to obey them, they won over the Chiefs by promising them part of the proceeds, which succeeded successfully
Government forces Javanese to grow what they want, punishes them when they sell crop produced to anyone but them, fixes the price it pays
money given to Chiefs to encourage them swells purchase price further, and the profit can be made in no other way than by paying Javanese just enough to
keep them from starving, which would decrease the producing power of the nation
European officials are also paid a bonus in proportion to the production
5. The Selborne Memorandum by William Waldegrave Palmer, Earl of Selborne
Lord William Waldegrave Palmer, second Earl of Selborne, was appointed British High Commissioner in South Africa in 1905
unlike his predecessor, Alfred Milner, Palmer had considerable sympathy for largely agrarian Afrikaner population of Transvaal and Orange Free State
he opposed Milners policy of Anglicization through immigration, and supported move toward responsible government for South Africa
Palmer is best known for his memorandum of 1907, which ostensibly focused on railroad consolidation but ultimately laid out a road map for bringing
together South Africa’s various colonies
Selborne Memorandum is seen as signalling an end to so-called Cape liberalism with its emphasis on equality before the law
there is the educated native, whose aspirations must be regarded with wise sympathy, and there are tribes still in the stage of barbarism and between these
extremes there are many grades of development both tribal and individual
coloured population—not native in above sense, having strong infusion of white blood, containing in ranks many educated and valuable citizens in whom
work of civilisation is already accomplished, many others in a more backward state, to all whom the whites must manifest the desire to render friendly aid
in their upward path
primary function of Imperial Power is to protect from foreign invasion the frontiers of all the countries united under the British flag
duty of raising, equipping and controlling the fleets and forces necessary for purpose to supplement and support local military resources of each part of the
Empire rests indeed with the Government of the United Kingdom, but this merely points to the fact that institutions of the Empire are still imperfect
organisation of a South African force which can be raised suddenly and moved swiftly to any part of the country implies in itself a federal union of some
sort, but unless it is to be as ineffective as allied forces usually are, any defensive organisation common to South Africa means that it must be subject to
some common authority answerable to South Africa as a whole
question of defence is secondary problem, mere adjunct and consequence of primary problem of native policy
its separation into independent parts is fatal to success from outset
such separation means—division of national strength in all its forms; division of purpose and plan; different policies, yielding different results, which,
sooner or later, must come into contact and conflict with one another
all experience goes to show that those administrations will differ and that different policies applied at same time in different parts of same country, to same
races, members of which are in constant communication with one another, must together defeat object at which each severally aims
general result is sure to be something utterly unlike what any one of them was intended to produce, and proceeding from policies which are inconsistent
and causes which are uncontrolled will be accidental if not disastrous in its effects
6. from Red Rubber by E.D. Morel
E.D. Morel was born in Paris, but as a young man moved to England and became a naturalized citizen of Great Britain
he worked as a clerk in a Liverpool shipping firm, who had a shipping contract with the Congo Free State (the Central African territory under the direct
control of Belgiums King Leopold II and his investors)
because of his knowledge of French, Morel was sent to Belgium to oversee the shipping records relating to the Congo, where he gained access to
information that showed the Free State to be an overwhelmingly exploitative enterprise, even in comparison to other colonial ventures
in 1900, Morel began a campaign against King Leopold and the Congo Free State, subsequently becoming a full-time journalist, publishing articles about
the Congo in numerous newspapers and rallying the public to his cause
Red Rubber was widely read and had a significant impact on public opinion with Great Britain and the US and because his campaign framed its critique of
the Free State in terms of humanitarianism rather than anti-imperialism, even those who endorsed the colonial project could support Morel
groundswell of support for his cause was so great that in 1903 the British House of Commons passed a resolution decrying the Congo Free State
in 1908, two years after the publication of Red Rubber, Belgium annexed the Congo, severed King Leopold’s ties to its governance, and place the territory
under the control of the Belgian Parliament
hostage-house—recognised institutions of Upper Congo; inside, men, women, and children (chiefly women) are cramped and suffocated, unkempt,
grovelling in filth and squalor; half-starved, wholly starved at times
official cannot even resign because the administration does not admit it; if he insists and leaves his station, he can be prosecuted for desertion; any case, he
cannot get out of the country alive, for the routes of communication, victualling stations, etc. are in the hands of the Administration, and escape in a native
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canoe cannot happen either, because every native canoe, if its destination be not known and its movement chronicled in advance from post to post, is at
once suspected and liable to be stopped, for the natives are not allowed to move freely about the controlled water-ways
hostage-house is one of most effective assets of rubber slave-trade
these hostages are here because their husbands or their brothers have failed to trap the weekly antelope required as part of the tax for the white man’s table
or their supply of fresh fish is short or the rubber has been of bad quality and insufficient in quantity
husbands will require their wives, and they will trap the antelope, they will find the fish, and they will improve their rubber supply
7. Prayer for Peace by opold Sédar Senghor
Senghor was born in the French colony of Senegal in 1906, the son of a well-to-do landowner
won a scholarship to the Sorbonne in Paris, where he met fellow intellectuals Aimé Césaire and Léon Damas
together they developed concept of negritude, which emphasized the importance of an over-arching African identity and culture
Senghor fought in French all-African unit during WWII, and was briefly imprisoned by Germans
after war, he represented Senegal in French Parliament and when Senegal declared its independence from France in 1960, Senghor became nation’s first
president, where he remained in office until retirement in 1980, working with other African countries to create West African Economic Community
in 1984, Senghor became first African elected to the French Academy
Senghor wrote “Prayer for Peace” in the middle of WWII
the chaos enveloping Europe undermined the colonialist presumption that the Western world represented civilization and progress
a Roman Catholic, Senghor himself struggled with his genuine affection for France and for French culture
this poem articulates a certain admiration for Europe, but it also suggests affinity among various colonized peoples, both within Africa and around world
8. Methods of Native Administration: Political Officers and Native Rulers by Lord Frederick Lugard
Lugard was born in India in 1858, son of Reverend F.G. Lugard
after being educated at Royal Military College, entered the army and assigned to number of imperial outposts, including Afghanistan, Burma, and Uganda
Lugard became High Commissioner of Northern Nigeria in 1900 and over next 6 years, he developed concept of Indirect Rule, a strategy whereby British
ruled through existing, traditional authorities
Lugard later became Governor of Nigeria and attempted to implement his policies throughout country
Indirect Rule became accepted as a technique for of rule throughout the British Empire during the 1920s and 1930s
Lugard’s instructions to political officers elaborates on details of Indirect Rule
in this publication, he emphasizes that the goal of his policies is to bring “civilization” to Africans without interfering in existing social structures
this paradoxical goal, he writes, is to be accomplished through political officers who understand native customs and are able to balance the concerns of the
colonized with the best interests of the Empire
Resident—duty to carry out loyally policy of Governor, and not to inaugurate policies of their own; in modifying policys applications will fully inform
and obtain approval of Governor; senior Government Official in Province, and represents Lieutenant-Governor in all Administrative matters; in absence of
responsible officer of any Department it is his duty to report any dereliction of duty on part of any departmental subordinate to Head of his Department, or
if of a serious nature to Lieutenant-Governor; first and most essential duties are those in connection with conduct of Native Administration, including close
supervision of Native Courts and assessment for taxation
Governor—through Lieutenant-Governor, is at all time ready and anxious to hear, and to give full and careful consideration to views of Residents, but
expects Residents to give effect to it in thorough and loyal spirit, and to inculcate same spirit in juniors
9. African Perspectives on Colonialism by A. Adu Boahen
between 1880 and 1900, all of Africa except Liberia and Ethiopia was seized and occupied by European imperial powers of Britain, France, Germany,
Belgium, Portugal, Spain, and Italy; Africans were converted from sovereign and royal citizens of own continent into colonial and dependent subjects
by 1900s, in place of numerous independent states and politics, new and numerically smaller set of 40 artificially created colonies had emerged, which
were administered by governors and officials who were appointed by their metropolitan governments and were in no way responsible to African subjects
by 1910, colonial system had been firmly imposed on virtually the whole of Africa
some see the explanation in the rise of the new imperialism in Europe due primarily to the economic forces operating during the last 3 decades of the 19th
century, and, more especially, to the need to look for areas where the surplus capital being generated by these forces could be invested
others have seen the Scramble as more or less an accidental by-product of the diplomatic confrontations among the major European powers, particularly,
France and Britain, and argue that the whole Scramble was touched off by the British occupation of Egypt in 1882
more recently, some European historians have attributed the Scramble to a combination of internal African conditions and external European factors
causes of Scramble can be found, not in Africa or Southeast Asia, but rather in the congruence of the economic as well as the political and social forces
operating in Europe during the last 2 or 3 decades of the 19th century
first and most crucial factor was economic—2nd half of 19th century was period during which international trade became increasingly competitive,
following spread of England’s industrial capitalism to other European countries to US; main consequence of this was emergence of neomercantilism, that
is, abandonment of free trade and erection of tariff barriers for protection of young industries of Europe and America, step taken by Russia in 1887,
Germany in 1879, and France in 1881; developments created urgent need for colonies or areas outside Europe whose markets could become exclusive
monopoly, and to obtain raw materials (cotton, palm oil, rubber, peanuts, minerals, and so on) to feed new factors, which could be obtained or developed
in tropical areas of Africa and Southeast Asia; 3rd economic factor was need to invest surplus capital being generated by capitalist system of production
there were also political forces—most important of these was exaggerated spirit of nationalism in Europe following unification of both Germany and Italy
and especially after Germanys defeat of France in 1871; with emergence of strong national consciousness, nations began to think not only of their power
and progress but also of their prestige, greatness, and security; in Europe of last decades of 19th century, number of overseas colonies nation possessed
became measure or symbol of its prestige and greatness; Portugal, Germany, and Italy all rushed for colonies overseas to prove that they had acquired
place in sun, and France did so to prove that it was still great power despite its humiliating defeat by Germany in 1871
social forces—main contribution was need to acquire colonies where surplus labour produced by industrial capitalist system as well as large numbers of
unemployed could be settled without losing nationality or severing links with mother country; to undertake such colonization that number of colonization
societies emerged in Europe, especially Germany and Italy, and some of these societies did exert pressure on governments to acquire colonies
inevitable race for colonies in Africa began in 1879 with 3 contributing factors—(1) dispatch of 3 French missions to explore routes for trans-Saharan
railway; (2) appointment of Major Gustave Borgnis-Desbordes as commander of Upper Senegal to push French imperial interests inland; (3) dispatch in
same year, both by King Leopold of Belgium and by French, of Stanley and de Brazza, respectively, to conclude treaties with rulers of Congo basin
sudden intrusion of Stanley and de Brazza alarmed Portugal and Britain which had regarded that area as exclusive preserve, and they began their counter-
moves; Britain became even more alarmed when France annexed Port Novo and Little Popo in 1883 and began its activities in Niger; Britain backed
Portugal on the Congo issue to get rid of French and Leopold, while to safeguard its interests in the Bight of Benin and Biafra, now threatened by the
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1. Coffee by Steven C. Topik Latin America, particularly Brazil, leading producer of coffee, where it was grown on both large estates (fazendas in Brazil) and small farms planted, tended, and harvested by family farmers, free labour, and slave labour; and it was an agricultural and industrial process capital intensivetrees take about 7 years to yield beans, requiring considerable investmentand labour intensive since beans need great care in picking th th 19 and early 20 centuriescoffee was leading export of nearly half countries of Latin America and important in number of others tied together archaic and bourgeois, slave and free, proletarian and intellectual, arduous toil and frivolous leisure coffee was introduced into Brazil by a European colonial powerPortuguese interests of Portuguese crown together with conditions within Brazil dictated continued use of slaves initial form derived from combination of international availability of African bondsmen and reluctance of European immigrants, history of social acceptance of slavery, and lack of a thmestic alternative because of internal resistance Brazils agricultural boom began to fizzle in early 19of a recession in world economy burst of European and North American demand for coffee as their economies recovered from the Napoleonic Wars redoubled Brazils reliance on export economy and stimulated its craving for slaves by far largest importer of African bondsmen and last country in Western world to abolish slavery when emancipation finally arrived in 1888 decision to force slaves to till land and pick beans had formidable consequences for Brazil on one hand, it made Brazil worlds greatest coffee producer; Brazil had the largest railroad network, by the time slavery was abolished, next to India, outside of Western Europe and North America, of which two-thirds was in coffee-growing provinces abolition of slavery in 1888 created one of the most abrupt and through transformations of a labour system in history rather than employing freedmen and free Brazilians, states attracted almost a million Italian, Portuguese, and Spanish immigrants to plantations by 1914 transformation was so rapid that slaverys end did not harm coffee economy at all, instead, Brazilian coffee exports ballooned five-fold in 2 decades after Golden Law of abolition was passed decision to turn to immigrants derived from internal struggles within Brazilresistance by Brazilian freedmen refusing to work long hours and refusing to allow wives and children into fields; resistance by other peasants preferring to occupy own plots rather than working for plantation owners colono labour systemcentral work unit was family; only head of household was paid; family might tend 5000 trees (about 15 acres); little integration or specialization; provided colono about 40% of monetary income; during harvest time and occasionally at other times, paid for day work, accounting for 25% of monetary income; most of total income came from work as peasant; subsistence may have constituted 70% of remuneration; colono sold own corn, beans, and livestock, accounting for 33% to 40% of earnings; could and did move about; ultimate choice of leaving Brazil altogether slaves in Brazil were especially cheap because of proximity of Africa, volume of trade, and size of existing Brazilian slave population 2. Sugar in Brazil by Peter L. Eisenberg massive importation of African slaves into Brazil from 1500s through 1800s was result of labour requirements of sugar plantations th sugar plantations formed heart of politics and society until emergence of coffee as Brazils largest export in 19 during late 19tury, Pernambuco sugar industry led Brazil in exports, exemplified problems of national industry well, and experienced two kinds of difficulties: falling prices and stiffer competition Brazilians failed to overcome these difficulties and their industry stagnated, deteriorating export revenues first indicating predicament falling sugar prices, especially after 1860, reduced returns in early 1870s to level of 1850s in 1880s access to US market spurred export growth, but by 1890s sugar exports were again in serious trouble negative trends in export trade hurt industry because foreign markets absorbed over of Pernambucos sugar moreover, consequence of such adverse turns were magnified by Brazils high dependence upon imported goods, which required foreign exchange earned by selling abroad and falling foreign exchange rage after 1851 only compounded problem this decline in foreign exchange rate had 2 contrasting effects: (1) benefited sugar producers because it enabled them to sell foreign currency earned in exports for increasing amounts of milris,(2) it hurt importers, for whom foreign exchange became more expensive sugar producers were exporters and importers, since nearly all capital equipment, as well as many of consumption goods, came from abroad exchange rate falls did not compensate for sugar price falls and growing European beet sugar industry cause many of Pernambucos problems beet sugar producers invaded and conquered world market; cane sugar producers, who had enjoyed over 90% of world market in 1840s, had access to less than 50% of world demand by beginning of 20 beet sugar squeezed Brazil out of European markets and to replace English markets, Brazilians exported to USA; but even there Brazils position was tenuous; sales to US climbed rapidly in 1870s, and by end of Empire the US had replaced Great Britain as Brazils principal foreign market Brazilian domestic market offered only outlet for producers unable to meet foreign competition in Second Empire, Pernambucans sold between 15 and 20% of their sugar to home consumers vast majority was refined branco variety, for 3 reasons: (1) Brazilian consumer, like European, demanded white sugar on table; (2) since imperial Brazil had no large refineries, the planters themselves had to transform mascavado into white sugar; (3) imperial government imposed import taxes on foreign refined and crystallized sugars, which frequently had protectionist effects Brazilian planters, and particularly Pernambucans, could attribute their difficulties to relatively few causes export crisis was clear product of beet sugar boom, which drove down prices and pre-empted traditional markets only protected domestic market remained, and here, because of Pernambucos distance from major population centers, north-eastern producers were unable to maintain ascendancy enjoyed in foreign markets 3. Studying a Colonial EconomyWithout Perceiving Colonialism by Irfan Habib When Cambridge Economic History of India was published in early 1980s, its editors built on Morris D Morriss thesis that Indias economy had not th industrialized in 19ry because it did not have right preconditions, to which, Irfan Habib wrote scathing review arguing that economy of Indian subcontinent could not be studied without accounting for effects of colonial government in addition to the continuous drain of Indian wealth to Britainin the form of taxes, tributes, and revenue that were transferred to the British government and in the form of protections granted to Manchester textile industry that enriched private individualsBritain invested very little in infrastructure, education, or public works in India according to Habib, colonial economy was largely extractive and benefited Britain, rather than India if Indians in particular industries were able to thrive economically, Habib argues that it was in spite of colonialism, rather than because of it it has been widely recognized that British tariff policy was mainly directed towards making India an unprotected market for Britain Morris immediately begins to contest this and says that scholars feel that a vigorous protective tariff policy would have very little effect he argues that the jute and cotton textile industries grew swiftly without tariff protection and had important markets overseas according to Habib(1) it is illogical to lump jute and cotton industries together, (2) for exports, it is obvious that industries with protected home markets can often afford to accept lower profit margins in foreign markets, and so protection at home helps them abroad www.notesolution.com textile industryaccording to Morris, only domestic; according to Habib, only major industry, which, owing to close access to cheap raw materials and a large home market, had some change to growth and other industries had no chance at all according to HabibMorris does not describe tariff and excise nor currency manipulation with which Britain tried to stifle Indian cotton industry; under Lancashire pressure all duties on imports into India were abolished in 1879 and 1882, ostensibly to remove unfair competition and in the interest of the native population, who would get cheaper cloth in 1894, a tariff of 5% was now levied on imported cloth, but excise was levied on Indian mill-yarn competing with Lancashire in 1896, in order to further protect Lancashire, such excise was levied on all Indian mill-cloth Morris cannot but notice the setback the Indian cotton mill-industry suffered as a consequence, but he put it odd terms saying that the Indian industry was not harmed by the excise measures, but the Indians shouting themselves hoarse over them rise in value of rupee naturally made exports to East Asia and Middle East less competitive and cheapened British yarn and cloth in India if Indian textile industry eve
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